Labor Dissent and Resistance: Unraveling Power Dynamics in the 2023 Ups Dispute through Memes

Illinois State University Illinois State University

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Theses and Dissertations

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Labor Dissent and Resistance: Unraveling Power Dynamics in the Labor Dissent and Resistance: Unraveling Power Dynamics in the

2023 Ups Dispute through Memes 2023 Ups Dispute through Memes

Millicent Elewosi

Illinois State University

, [email protected]

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through Memes" (2024).

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LABOR DISSENT AND RESISTANCE: UNRAVELING POWER DYNAMICS IN THE 2023

UPS DISPUTE THROUGH MEMES

MILLICENT ELEWOSI

183 pages

This study presents a rhetorical and critical analysis of labor memes disseminated on

Twitter/X, Facebook, and Reddit during the protracted dispute between UPS labor and

management in 2023. Drawing from rhetorical and argumentation frameworks, the study reveals

the multifaceted nature of contemporary activist labor dissent. Through a discursive analysis of

sixteen memes, the study unveils the rhetorical strategies employed by UPS workers to articulate

grievances and foster solidarity within digital activist spaces. Furthermore, through a Gramscian

lens, the study unravels UPS labor’s assertions of power dynamics, critiquing management’s

hegemonic control and discerning moments of resistance within labor discourse. This critical

inquiry reveals not only the strategic maneuvers utilized by management to perpetuate

dominance but also the resilience and agency demonstrated by workers in challenging

oppression. Ultimately, this study advances a nuanced understanding of digital activism’s

transformative potential in advancing workers’ empowerment and social justice within

contemporary socio-economic workspaces.

KEYWORDS: memes, labor dissent, hegemony, counter-hegemony, labor resistance.

LABOR DISSENT AND RESISTANCE: UNRAVELING POWER DYNAMICS IN THE 2023

UPS DISPUTE THROUGH MEMES

MILLICENT ELEWOSI

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for

the Degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

School of Communication

ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY

2024

LABOR DISSENT AND RESISTANCE: UNRAVELING POWER DYNAMICS IN THE 2023

UPS DISPUTE THROUGH MEMES

MILLICENT ELEWOSI

COMMITTEE MEMBERS:

Joseph Zompetti, Chair

John R. Baldwin

Lance Lippert

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to Dr. Joseph Zompetti for his tremendous guidance and assistance during

this process and throughout my master’s program. Your dedication and support are greatly

appreciated, and your kindness will not be forgotten. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. John R.

Baldwin and Dr. Lance Lippert for their continuous support journey at the School of

Communication. Lastly, I am grateful to Matthew and Agnes for being my support system

throughout this academic journey.

M. E.

CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS i

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1

#Teamsters2023 –The 2023 UPS Labor/Management Dispute 2

CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW 7

Introduction 7

Overview of American Labor Disputes 7

The Homestead Strike (1892) 8

The Pullman Strike (1894) 9

The Flint Sit-Down Strike (1936- 1937) 11

The Memphis Sanitation Workers Strike (1968) 12

Postal Workers’ Strike (1970) 13

Contemporary Labor/Management Contestations 14

Organizational and Rhetorical Communication Perspectives on Labor Disputes 16

Organizational Communication perspective 16

Rhetorical Communication Perspective 22

Labor/Employee Disputes and Dissent 27

Dissent: An Interplay of Resistance and Power 30

Memes as Communicative Dissent 36

Conclusion 41

CHAPTER III: METHOD 43

Introduction 43

iii

Context of the Present Study 44

Gramsci’s Notion of Hegemony 44

Critical Rhetoric: Critique of Domination and Critique of Freedom 55

Memes as Texts for Analysis 57

Memes as Visual Arguments 60

Memes as Satirical Tropes 62

Social Networks Platforms 63

Analysis Procedure 65

Conclusion 67

CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS 68

Introduction 68

Rhetorical Context: The 2023 UPS Management/Labor Dispute 68

Labor Rhetoric: Argumentative Claims Made by UPS Workers Via Memes 70

A. Labor Claims About the Working Conditions at UPS 71

B. Labor Claims about Unfair Wages 72

C. Labor Claims About Unionization 73

D. Labor Claims about UPS’ Role in the 2023 Dispute/Contract Negotiations 76

E. Labor Claims about their Relationship with UPS 78

F. Labor Claims about Their Triumph in the Dispute 80

Critical Analysis: A Critique of Freedom and Critique of Domination 81

Critique of Domination 82

Critique of Freedom 91

The Rhetoric of Dissent Memes 106

Conclusion 122

CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION 124

Introduction 124

Overview of Findings 126

Theoretical and Practical Implications of Findings 132

Labor Memes: A Potent Rhetoric and Digital Dissent 132

Understanding Workplace Power Dynamics through Labor Memes 137

Study Limitations 145

Suggestions for Future Research 147

Conclusion 150

REFERENCES 152

APPENDIX A: SAMPLED UPS LABOR MEMES CIRCULATED DURING THE 2023

LABOR-MANAGEMENT DISPUTE 183

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION

Labor studies prove that American labor history has been fraught with significant crises.

Several top corporations have faced serious employee crisis-related issues at various times. The

United Parcel Service (UPS) is one of them. As a nationwide package delivery and logistics

company, UPS has a large workforce, sometimes leading to tensions between the company and

its employees on issues such as wages, working conditions, benefits, and job security. UPS has a

notable record of employee strikes and labor disputes, demonstrating a daunting display of

powerplay and resistance between the corporation and its employees.

In 1997, organized labor won its first major strike against UPS. Staying out for just over

two weeks, more than 185,000 UPS employees of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters

(IBT) interrupted the company’s operations, securing pay increases and more full-time positions

(Aronowitz, 1998; Kumar, 2008; Minchin, 2012). In 2018, there were reports that UPS workers

were considering authorizing a strike if contract negotiations with the company did not yield

satisfactory results. The primary concerns revolved around wages, part-time employment, and

healthcare benefits. The IBT conducted a strike authorization vote, which received

overwhelming support from UPS workers. However, a strike did not ultimately occur, as the

union and the company reached a tentative agreement (CBS, 2018). In addition, there have been

local strikes and disputes involving UPS employees in different regions. These actions often

stem from specific local grievances and lead to localized disruptions in package deliveries. The

most significant UPS dispute worth noting in this study is the recent 2023 Teamsters’ vote for

strike authorization. In the section that follows, I elaborate on this recent labor crisis. This review

is vital since, in this thesis, I argue that digital memes created avenues for Teamsters to

powerfully express dissent, organize, and employ resistance strategies, which may have

ultimately impacted their triumph in the recent UPS dispute. Contemporary labor studies have

overlooked the influential role of social media, more so, digital tools like memes in shaping the

discourse of online labor activism. This study points to a significant gap in research on the

unfolding impact of social media on labor contestations, revealing a lack of accountability and

inquiry into the influence of digital meme discourses on labor union activism and organizing.

The present study specifically focuses on unraveling the rhetoric of online dissenting memes

surrounding the 2023 UPS labor contestation, how these discourses reveal labor grievances and

the powerplay between UPS and its employees, and how this form of expression significantly

impacted Teamsters’ eventual success in the dispute.

#Teamsters2023 –The 2023 UPS Labor/Management Dispute

In April 2023, Americans witnessed another familiar labor dispute unfolding. UPS

employees began negotiations with their employer. UPS workers had two demands: fair

compensation and better labor conditions in light of UPS’ revenue,

which exceeded billions in

2022. On June 12, 2023, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), or Teamsters, voted

with over 330,000 members to authorize a strike against UPS. Hundreds of thousands of UPS

workers and members of the Teamsters Union threatened a nationwide strike by the end of the

month, pending the expiration of a five-year employment contract on July 31 at midnight.

Teamsters represent more than 325,000 UPS employees in the United States, where the company

has nearly 450,000 employees (Deliso, 2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023). In light of this

support, 97% of the membership voted in favor of strike authorization (Brown, 2023; Deliso,

Between 2012 to 2019, UPS yearly profits ranged from $7.1 billion to $8.2 billion. In 2020, UPS made over $8.7 billion. Then,

the company reported the largest profits in its history: $13.1 billion in 2021 and $13.9 billion in 2022 (Orr & Lewis, 2023).

2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Meyersohn, 2023; NBC News, 2023; Orr & Lewis, 2023;

Scheiber, 2023; Schwab, 2023).

One major incident worth noting amidst the dispute is a failed attempt at negotiation

between UPS and its workers. On July 5

, UPS employees nationwide walked out on their

contract negotiations with management after the two parties could not reach a mutual, tentative

agreement on wage increments for full and part-time workers (Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023;

Ganapavaram, 2023; Schwab, 2023). Yurkevich and Isidore (2023) report that on July 19,

Teamsters held a rally outside a UPS facility as part of an August 1 strike deadline against the

company in Los Angeles, California. While the imminent strike was unfolding, online activism

involved the spread of memes, including hashtags like #teamsters, #unionstrong and

#unionproud and other image macros that spread across various social network sites.

The dispute between UPS and its employees is not a premiere case in U.S. labor relations.

UPS has a notable record of employee strikes and labor disputes. Similarly, employees’ demands

in the recent dispute were no different from the last UPS Teamsters strike in August 1997, which

lasted only 15 days but cost UPS more than $850 million. According to the Teamsters, the 1997

strike resulted from poor negotiation terms characterized by members’ low faith in union

leadership and the specific interests of UPS management (Brown, 2023; Keenan, 2023).

Orr and Lewis (2023) recount that in 2018, former Teamsters President James P. Hoffa

negotiated a bad contract despite a majority “no vote.” The contract kept part-time wages low

and established a second-tier driver position named “22.4.” The implication was that new drivers

made less income and received fewer overtime protections than existing drivers doing the same

work. Teamster activists organized a second “vote no” campaign against the contracts. Then, in

2021, the Teamsters Union led the charge to elect a coalition slate of reformers to the union’s top

leadership on a platform of fighting more aggressively to reverse these concessions. Meyersohn

(2023) argues that the Teamsters have more negotiating leverage now than in 1997 primarily due

to three things: the implementation of Just-in-Time (JIT) inventory policies, increased

competition in the sector, and the cohesion of union members in their demands for better wages.

Sean Orr and Elliot Lewis, both employees at UPS, explain,

Our contract fight started nearly a year ago. Last August, we had contract kick-off rallies

around the country. In the fall, we filled out contract surveys, affirming the popularity of

ambitious demands. Over the winter, thousands of us stood at gates and in break rooms

handing out Contract Unity Pledge Cards to build support for the major contract demands

we’re willing to strike over. In the spring, we held Contract Action Team trainings

around the country to map our workplaces, select picket captains, and develop organizing

plans to engage our co-workers. And in the last month, rank-and-file TDU activists began

petitioning at dozens of UPS “barns” to demand the company accept a higher national

pension plan and raise part-time pay to $25 an hour. We’re firm in our high expectations.

We want to win the best contract in Teamster history– and if we have to, we’ll be willing

to hit the streets on August 1 to do it. (Orr & Lewis, 2023)

On July 25, however, UPS and the IBT reached a tentative deal on a new contract,

potentially avoiding a strike, an agreement passed by the highest vote for a contract in the history

of the Teamsters at UPS. The UPS Teamsters National Master Agreement is North America’s

most significant one of the areas where Gramsci saw the dynamics of hegemony occurring was

with the factory councils, who at the time in Italy’s history functioned much like modern

American labor unions, against their power-yielding corporate owners (Gramsci, 1971). private-

sector collective bargaining agreement (Drake, 2023; NBC News, 2023; Scheiber, 2023; UPS,

2023). The five-year contract protects and rewards more than 340,000 UPS Teamsters

nationwide, raising wages for full- and part-time workers, creating more full-time jobs, and

securing essential workplace protections, including air conditioning (Deniz, 2023). The UPS

chief executive, Carol Tomé, accorded the new deal with a comment that UPS aligns with the

union on “several key issues.” She added that outsiders should not put too much stock in the

“great deal of noise” likely to arise during the negotiation (Scheiber, 2023).

The immense impact a Teamsters strike against UPS would have had on the domestic

economy is worth noting because the looming strike would have been the largest single-

employer strike in U.S. history (CNN Business, 2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023). As one of

the largest shipping companies in the U.S., UPS shipped 5.2 billion U.S. parcels and accounted

for 6% of U.S. GDP, representing nearly a quarter of all parcels shipped in the country in 2022.

The imminent workers’ strike would have created an influx of demand for competitors like

Amazon, FedEx, the United States Postal Service (USPS), and third-party distributors. The strike

may also have driven the cost of these competitors’ logistic services up and place pressure on

small business owners and retailers (Deliso, 2013; Drake, 2023; Holman & Moreno, 2023;

Keenan, 2023; Lewis, 2023; Orr & Schwab, 2023; Scheiber, 2023).

The 2023 UPS labor/management dispute is central to this study, since I seek to

investigate the UPS labor’s use of internet memes as a form of participatory discourse during the

dispute. By focusing solely on labor’s use of memes rather than other discursive strategies, the

research aims to analyze how memes are used as a contemporary analogue to traditional forms of

protest and expression of dissent. Drawing on a scholarly framework that views memes as public

discourse and a form of rhetorical or persuasive communication, the study seeks to understand

how internet memes are employed to articulate tensions, disputes, and contestations between

labor and management. Through a detailed analysis of the visual and textual elements of the

memes, this research aims to shed light on the ways in which memes contribute to larger public

discussions about labor issues and serve as a creative practice for workers to engage with and

confront management.

In this study, I draw critical attention to a crucial aspect of labor disputes that have

received little research attention – the discourse of online labor activism. As mentioned earlier,

contemporary labor studies have often failed to acknowledge the role of social media tools in

shaping labor activism, discourses, and movements. The emergence of online platforms,

communities, and subcultures and their influence on movement formation and grassroots

activism have been significantly overlooked. The present study specifically explores the use of

internet memes as a form of dissenting and resistance discourse in the context of the 2023 UPS

labor dispute. By focusing solely on labor memes, I aim to unravel how UPS labor used memes

as a contemporary analogue to contemporary forms of protest and expression of dissent. Drawing

on scholarly frameworks that view memes as visual activists’ rhetoric and forms of worker

dissent, I explore how labor memes articulate tensions, disputes, and resistance between and

against UPS labor and management. Through detailed critical and rhetorical analysis of cited

labor memes, this study sheds light on the ways in which memes contribute to the larger public

discussions that surrounded the 2023 UPS dispute and serve as a creative practice for labor to

engage with and confront management.

CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

This chapter provides an in-depth literature review of pertinent subject areas of

organizational dissent, labor disputes, and their intricacies. The chapter begins with a highlight of

notable labor disputes in American history, organizational and rhetorical perspectives on labor

disputes, dissent as a defining factor of employee disputes, dissent as a form of resistance to

power, and memes as forms of communicative dissent. Each subject is intricately explored from

a perspective relevant to the overarching focus and purpose of this study.

Five historical labor disputes in the American history provide an overview of labor

resistance and its impact on contemporary disputes. Looking at organizational and rhetorical

perspectives on labor disputes highlights how organizational and rhetorical scholarship has

shaped our knowledge of labor disputes through time. I further explore the relationship between

labor disputes and dissent, focusing on factors like forms and how disputes and dissent are

interchangeably used in most scholarship. Further analysis highlights the interplay of the power

and resistance that undergird employee disputes and how hegemony and resistance manifest

during a dispute. Finally, I explore how memes and social networks have played a role in

shaping labor dissent in online spaces, allowing them to organize real-time activism and

resistance against corporate power.

Overview of American Labor Disputes

The history of U.S. labor disputes provides a vivid depiction of the intense and prolonged

suffering of American workers from multiple economic fields who have struggled since the

inception of each respective industry. A brief review of five such disputes will provide sufficient

overview of the nature of labor resistance within the American economy throughout history and

how these labor movements have shaped contemporary labor disputes and movements like the

recent UPS labor dispute.

The Homestead Strike (1892)

The Homestead Strike is considered one of the most notable strikes in U.S. history. The

strike, which occurred in Homestead, Pennsylvania, between steelworkers and the Carnegie Steel

Company, resulted in a violent dispute leading to multiple deaths on both sides of the conflict

(Oates et al., 1892). The strike is attributed to workers’ unrest and protests wage cuts. Carnegie

Steel Company was the leading manufacturer of armor steel plates and building materials mostly

used in fireproof buildings. Around the time of the strike, the company had a labor force of 3,800

men. Workers were paid as low as 14 cents per hour and $280 per month of which most workers

were paid $200 or less (Kahan, 2014; Oates et al., 1892).

Given their thorough description of the event, Oates, Curtis and Powderly (1892) can

help us understand the dynamics of the Homestead Strike. As they report, Carnegie signed a

contract with its workers through the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers to run

for three years, or until the 30th of June 1892. The contract stipulated that the profits to be made

by workers were contingent on the price and sales of company goods such that if the market

price of billets went above that figure, the workmen would obtain the benefit of the rise; if the

market price fell below $25 per ton, the compensation of the workmen would not be less than the

minimum. At the expiration of this contract, the management of Carnegie, led by Mr. Frick,

submitted a proposition to the workers for a reduction in the minimum to $22 per ton of steel

billets, a reduction in the amount of tonnage rate paid in some departments, and an extension of

the contract from the 30th of June to the last day of December. After considerable negotiations,

the workers’ demand for a minimum of $24 per ton and rejection of the newly proposed change

in contract expiration and renewal was refused. The negotiations ceased on the 24th of June.

Workers of Carnegie began a strike on 1st July in front of the company to stop other

employees from going to work. An advisory committee of fifty men was raised from the

Amalgamated Association. The watchmen of the company were turned away from the work,

guards were placed at all of the entrances, and rigid surveillance was exercised over those who

entered the town or approached the work areas. An attempt by Carnegie management to stop this

strike led to a riot that ultimately killed three of the security guards of the Pinkerton Detective

Agency, who were hired as strike-breakers, and the killing of seven workers, and additionally

leaving many injured (Oates et al., 1892).

While the Homestead Strike of 1892 was a terrible blow to organized labor and to the

Homestead workers themselves, the Homestead employees managed to incapacitate the nation’s

premier paramilitary force, the Pinkerton Detective Agency (Frantz, 2018; Huyssen, 2015;

Kahan, 2014; Oates et al., 1892). Homestead workers were able to challenge Pinkerton because

they carefully and deliberately built the community of Homestead, Pennsylvania, around the idea

of the solid, civic-minded, resilient workingmen. During the crisis, union leaders, local religious

leaders, elected officials, and newspaper editors rallied around the strikers. They challenged the

legitimacy of the use of the Pinkertons. It is important to recognize this victory as a part of the

constant series of efforts by workers throughout U.S. history to weaken and constrain oppressive

labor institutions (Frantz, 2018; Huyssen, 2015; Kahan, 2014; Oates et al., 1892).

The Pullman Strike (1894)

Another notable strike was the Pullman strike in 1894. This historically significant strike

occurred in Pullman, Illinois. The Pullman Company manufactured railroad sleeping cars

(Cardawine, 1971). The company also governed the town of Pullman because it was home to its

workers. Following the economic depression in the 1890s, the company reduced wages for its

employees while maintaining high prices and a monopoly on the supply of basic products. This

led to nationwide unrest and subsequent strikes of workers from various railroad companies

(Bassett, 1997; Cardawine, 1971; Lindsey, 1943).

According to Bassett (1997), on May 11, 1894, Pullman employees, under the American

Railway Union (ARU) membership, protested for the boycott of Pullman cars in the face of poor

working conditions and wage cuts. The boycott significantly disrupted rail traffic nationwide.

Notable railroad companies who were affected, including Burlington and Quincy Railroad,

sought injunctions to end the strike as it also halted the transportation of U.S. mail (Bassett,

1997; Cardawine, 1971; Lindsey, 1943; Schneirov et al., 1999). In response, U.S. President

Grover Cleveland sent federal troops to break the strike in Chicago, making this one of the first

times the federal government intervened in a labor dispute with military force (Bassett, 1997;

Cardawine, 1971; Lindsey, 1943; Schneirov et al., 1999). Although this intervention successfully

ended the strike, it did not resolve issues quietly, as it led to violence and confrontations between

the military and members of the ARU. Dozens of protestors were killed, while several hundred

were injured. Consequently, the president of the ARU, Eugene V. Debs, and other notable

members of the ARU were arrested and convicted for violating the injunction against the strike

(Bassett, 1997; Cardawine, 1971; Lindsey, 1943; Schneirov et al., 1999).

The Pullman Strike remains a key event in American labor history and exposes the

challenges faced by workers in their struggle for fair treatment and basic rights during the late

19th century. It led to the increase of government involvement in labor disputes and set a

precedent for federal intervention. It also played a role in the establishment of Labor Day as a

federal holiday to honor the contributions of workers (Bassett, 1997; Lindsey, 1943; Schneirov et

al., 1999).

The Flint Sit-Down Strike (1936- 1937)

The Flint Sit-Down Strike is one of the most historically significant strikes in the

automotive industry. The basis of the strike was the employees’ demand for better working

conditions, the right to unionize, and job security (Fine, 1965; Howard Jr, 1960). The strike was

organized by the United Automobile Workers (UAW) in Flint, Michigan, against the automotive

industry, which was then dominated by General Motors (GM). The strike began on December

30, 1936, when autoworkers in Flint organized a sit-down strike that halted the company’s

production that day. Protestors occupied the factory and refused to leave (Fine, 1965; Howard Jr,

1960; Murray & Schwartz, 2015; Rosner, 2016). The sit-down strike, which was a success, soon

ignited similar protests in other GM factories within and beyond the city of Flint, including the

workers at Chevrolet. Workers across different factories occupied and lived in those factories for

weeks, stalling operations (Murray & Schwartz, 2015; Rosner, 2016).

Eventually, General Motors and members of the UAW began negotiations with notable

players like the governor of Michigan, Frank Murphy, sitting in to peacefully mediate the dispute

(Murray & Schwartz, 2015; Rosner, 2016). The UAW successfully won the strike as their

demands were accepted. This marked a significant victory for autoworkers, UAW members, and

the UAW’s recognition as a bargaining agent for GM autoworkers and as one of the most

powerful unions in the U.S. (Rosner, 2016). The success of the Flint Sit-Down strike marked the

increase of union membership in the U.S. as the Wagner Act of 1935, which guaranteed the

protection of workers’ rights to unionize and bargain, to gain greater support, and to pave the

way for improved labor laws and working conditions for American workers (Fine, 1965; Howard

Jr, 1960; Murray & Schwartz, 2015; Rosner, 2016).

The Memphis Sanitation Workers Strike (1968)

The Memphis Sanitation Workers strike was notable for one reason: It ignited a labor and

civil rights movement for sanitation workers against unfair working conditions, unfair wages,

and racial discrimination (Estes, 2000; Heshizer, 1993; Paulson & Stiff, 1979). Memphis was

renowned for its deeply segregated society and long history of racial discrimination.

Additionally, most of the sanitation workers in Memphis were African Americans (about 1,300)

who faced deplorable working conditions, unfair wages, and racial discrimination (Duncan,

2020; Estes, 2000; Paulson & Stiff, 1979; Whitlinger & Fretwell, 2019).

The strike was sparked by the tragic accident of two African American sanitation

workers, Echol Cole and Robert Walker, who were killed by a malfunctioning garbage truck on

February 1, 1968. This incident was followed by a city-wide strike of about 1300 African

American sanitation workers who were already frustrated by unsafe work conditions and

subsequently demanded better working conditions and recognition for their union, the American

Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) (Heshizer, 1993). The union

adopted the slogan, “I am a Man,” to emphasize their demand for reparations, dignity, respect,

and civil rights (Heshizer, 1993).

On April 3, 1968, the strike gained nationwide recognition when Dr. Martin Luther King

Jr. visited Memphis to show his support for the striking workers. He delivered his famous

speech, “I have been to the Mountaintop,” at the Masonic Temple to demonstrate his support for,

and strengthen the solidarity of, the African American protestors. The assassination of Dr. King

the day after his speech intensified the agitation of the strikers, drawing nationwide attention.

This led to a possible settlement between the city and the sanitation workers on April 16, 1968,

including the recognition of the AFSCME union, improved wages and working conditions, and

reparations for the death of their former employees (Heshizer, 1993; Paulson & Stiff, 1979;

Whitlinger & Fretwell, 2019).

The Memphis sanitation strike reminds us about how laborers acting in solidarity can

have a powerful impact on advancing labor and civil rights movements. The strike subsequently

contributed to the implementation of the Civil Rights Act of 1968, or the Fair Housing Act,

which aimed to end the unequal racial policies that were experienced in the housing industry

(Duncan, 2020; Estes, 2000; Whitlinger & Fretwell, 2019).

Postal Workers’ Strike (1970)

The Postal Workers’ Strike, also known as the “Great Postal Strike,” occurred in 1970,

involving postal workers demanding wage increments and better working conditions. For years,

postal workers in the U.S. struggled regarding unsafe working conditions, low wages, job

insecurity, lack of job benefits and incentives, and poor working conditions (Kennedy, 1970;

Rubio, 2016, 2020; Shannon, 1978). On March 18, 1970, postal workers in New York City

initiated a strike until their demands were met. Soon, postal workers in other cities joined the

strike in a nationwide protest. The strike’s impact led President Nixon to declare a state of

emergency in addition to his attempt to break the strike by ordering the National Guard to

distribute mail across the country. As this attempt proved futile, it compelled the federal

government to begin negotiations with the postal unions. This led to an agreement guaranteeing

increased wages and improved working conditions for postal workers nationwide (Kennedy,

1970; Rubio, 2016, 2020; Shannon, 1978).

The strike called for significant changes in the U.S. postal Service. First, the Postal

Reorganization Act of 1970 was passed, which led to the modernization of the U.S. Post Office

Department, including changing its name to the United States Postal Service (USPS), in an effort

to improve its efficiency. Second, postal workers in the U.S. gained bargaining rights for

subsequent negotiations through organized labor and continued to create awareness of issues that

affected postal workers. Third, the strike emphasized the importance of the postal service as an

essential public service and contributed to the overall evolution of labor relations in the U.S.

(Kennedy, 1970; Rubio, 2016, 2020; Shannon, 1978).

While the aforementioned notable disputes represent only a fraction of the many labor

disputes in U.S. history, they also highlight the remarkable successes and failures of the labor

force that have significantly shaped and influenced labor movements in the 21st-century

workforce. Although labor unions continue to face similar problems today as they did in the past,

labor unions and movements have become stronger and more powerful because of their

motivation for, and commitment to, labor rights. In the spirit of this long history of grueling

struggle for basic labor rights, the recent UPS dispute offers us an optimal rhetorical crisis to

examine, as it reminds us that labor relations remain contentious.

Contemporary Labor/Management Contestations

The current tone of labor/management friction in the U.S. is characterized by familiar

historical struggles between both parties, with significant changes in the labor movement over

time. The emergence of labor unions in labor history has significantly played a crucial role in

advocacy for workers’ rights, fair wages and improved working conditions. Scholarly studies

have explored the means of expression during labor disputes, shedding light on the historical

context of labor movements. For instance, Voss and Sherman (2000) discuss the revitalization of

unions in the American labor movement, highlighting the significance of unions in challenging

the traditional power structures. Additionally, Fine et al. (2010) explore the transformation of

American unionism in the context of immigration, emphasizing the complex and evolving

relationship between immigration and the labor movement.

Unions have historically expressed their frustrations through various means, including

opinion pieces in newspapers, slogans, logos, and songs, which served as powerful tools for

communicating their grievances during labor disputes. Scholars have noted the significance of

these forms of expression in labor history. For example, Zandy (2008) traces the emergence of

American working-class literature from the lives of workers, highlighting the use of writing as a

form of expression for labor-related issues. Furthermore, Juravich (2020) emphasizes the role of

songs in labor movements, indicating that some unions relied on singing as a means to bring

people together and articulate their concerns, demonstrating the historical significance of songs

as a form of labor expression.

In recent years, labor unions have embraced social media and digital tools to articulate

their grievances and modernize their efforts (Green, 2019). For example, the Verizon workers

strike of 2016 effectively used social media to create a virtual picket line, which helped build

support for the workers and gain visibility for their causes (Green, 2019). These emergent

avenues for expression, including the use of social network platforms, hashtags and memes are

becoming contemporary analogues for labor unions to engage with and confront management

about controversial issues (Green, 2019; University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2023). For instance,

the Leeds Index of Platform Labor Protest found that workers primarily use protest actions and

social media to express their grievances and demand better working conditions and wages

(Hadwiger, 2022).

These studies underline the multifaceted nature of labor-management friction and the

evolving strategies employed by unions to articulate their concerns. The historical context of

labor movements and the means of expression during labor disputes provide valuable insights

into the dynamics of labor/management relations and the evolving strategies employed by unions

to communicate their grievances. Drawing from these studies, it is safe to argue that the

exploration of how social media and memes provide modern ways for labor to engage with and

confront management about areas of contestation. Social media platforms and memes have

become powerful tools for workers to voice their grievances and mobilize support. Just as

newspapers, slogans, and songs were used in the past, social media and memes serve as

contemporary forms of expression for labor-related issues, enabling workers to articulate their

frustrations with management and rally support for their cause in the digital age.

Organizational and Rhetorical Communication Perspectives on Labor Disputes

Scholarly discussions of labor disputes approach the topic from varying perspectives.

Here, I highlight organizational communication and rhetorical communication scholarship foci

on labor disputes, which essentially reveal some of the major gaps the present study addresses.

Organizational Communication perspective

Labor disputes have become increasingly prevalent in organizational settings (Bendersky,

2003; Brookins & Media, 2008). Employee/labor disputes are attributed to power imbalances,

philosophical differences, poor communication, or the perceived divergence of organization and

employee interests, goals, values, and resources (Dontigney & Demand, 2008; Friedman &

Currall, 2003; Isa, 2015). Disputes may only occur when there is “opposing organizational action

between parties which is not considered to be legitimate” (Clark, 1988, p. 153). Morrill and

Thomas (1992) argue that communication studies on organizational disputes must move beyond

the individual and dyadic levels to encompass organizational dimensions. They add that a more

complete understanding of organizational conflict can be achieved by exploring different stages

of the disputing process as it unfolds or develops.

Organizational communication scholars agree that employee disputes are often

dysfunctional and detrimental to an organization’s operations, employee satisfaction, and overall

performance (Argyris, 1962; Blake & Mouton,1984; Pondy, 1967) and, thus, recommend that to

alleviate disputes in the workplace, managers must work to align employee and management

interests while prioritizing employees’ social and financial needs (Collins, 1998; Mayo, 1960;

McGregor, 1957). Conversely, when employee disputes are collaboratively and properly

managed, they could have a positive impact on workplace productivity (Amason, 1996; Brookins

& Media, 2002; Coser, 1956, 1967; Guetzkow & Gyr, 1954; Jehn, 1995, 1997; Simmel, 1955).

In fact, given the popular assumption that management and employee interests can be aligned,

management tends to take a more calculated and systematic resolution approach to dealing with

workplace disputes (Thompson, 2000; Van de Vliert & De Dreu, 1994; Van de Vliert et al.,

1999; Weingart & Jehn, 2000). In essence, management may prioritize resolving workplace

disputes through systematic procedures that are more inclusive rather than exclusive of

employees’ interests.

Poorly managed disputes could lead to employee distrust, lost productivity, decreased

employee morale and productivity, substantial turnover, or the organization’s ultimate collapse

(Dontigney & Demand, 2008; Isa, 2015). Disputes may cause employee violence, resulting in

legal problems for employees and the organization (Isa, 2015). Several studies agree that people

reciprocate unpleasant behavior during crucial social interactions (Burgoon et al., 1995) and

become stuck in “reciprocated contentious communications” while in negotiations (Brett et al.,

1998). One reason why escalated conflicts are difficult to undo is that when more aggressive

tactics are used by one side, they are often reciprocated by the other side, producing a vicious

cycle (Friedman & Currall, 2003).

Organizational Dispute Resolution Systems (DRSs), also known as Alternate Dispute

Resolution (ADRs) (Barrett & Barrett, 2004; Shavell, 1995), have not received rigorous

academic attention (Bendersky, 2003; Bingham & Chachere, 1999; Sheppard, 1992). Isa (2015)

argues that some organizations adopt such resolution systems or procedures to manage disputes.

These approaches require employees and managers to sacrifice elements of their position to

establish a mutual and agreeable solution. This strategy often prevails in conflicts where the

parties hold relatively equal power.

Bendersky (2003) describes three major traditional dispute resolution approaches based

on the locus of decision-making authority. The first is the rights-based process. This approach

involves third parties determining the outcome of a dispute based on laws, contracts, or standards

of behavior (Ury et al., 1989). Rights-based processes in organizations include arbitration, formal

complaint investigation, and peer review panels. The most common manifestations of rights-

based processes are the later stages of grievance procedures in unionized settings (Dunlop &

Zack, 1997; Lewin, 1999), and similarly structured complaint-handling procedures in many

nonunion settings (McCabe, 1988). These arise in unionized settings to provide a means of

resolving contract interpretation disputes without resorting to strikes or lawsuits (Chamberlain &

Kuhn, 1965).

The second type of dispute resolution is interest-based neutrals. This approach also

involves third parties who intervene in disputes to help disputants reach agreements that meet

their mutual interests, rather than to determine if one party’s rights have been violated by the

other (Ury et al.,1989, p. 6). While rights-based procedures involve third parties controlling the

outcomes of disputes, interest-based neutrals manage the dispute resolution process, and the

disputants retain control over the outcomes (Riskin, 1996; Sheppard, 1984; Wall & Lynn, 1993).

Interest-based neutrals in organizations include mediators, ombuds, facilitators, and coaches.

Interest-based neutral components may be designed as alternatives or precursors to rights-based

processes, such as in the early stages of grievance procedures and equal employment opportunity

cases, or as general workplace conflict management resources. Generally, interest-based neutrals

focus on helping the disputants meet their interests in mutually agreeable terms (Bendersky,

2003). The third dispute-resolution approach is negotiation, which covers all individual

disputants’ efforts to resolve conflicts themselves without any third-party intervention (Lewicki

et al., 1999). Negotiation behaviors can vary from highly competitive to highly accommodating

and are characterized by the attention one gives to one’s own outcomes and those of others

(Pruitt & Rubin, 1986).

Blake and Mouton (1964) argue that conflict management styles could be measured along

two managerial attitudes: concern for production and concern for people. This scheme resulted in

five conflict-handling modes: forcing (pushing one’s position onto that of an adversary without

concern for his or her position), withdrawing (curtailing discussion of the conflict with an

adversary), smoothing (approaching an adversary in a conciliatory fashion), compromising

(partially accepting an adversary’s position), and problem-solving or confrontation (finding a

mutually agreeable resolution that does not compromise either adversary’s position). Thomas

and Kilmann (1974) emphasize the dimensions of concern for self and concern for others, also

resulting in five styles of interpersonal conflict management: competing, collaborating, avoiding,

accommodating, and compromising.

Nader and Todd (1978) and Morill (l989) conceptualize the labor disputing process as a

phenomenon entailing three stages: grievance expressions, conflict, and disputing. A grievance is

a pre-conflict stage, in which a person or group reacts to a real or perceived violation of a set of

norms, rules, or individual or societal standards. Conflict involves the exchange of grievances,

either directly or indirectly, between individuals or groups. Disputing occurs when conflicts draw

third-party interventions and become a public matter. The specific behaviors that people use to

manage their grievances, conflicts, and disputes have been organized into several typologies

developed by scholars from different cultures, based on three underlying behavioral dimensions:

aggressiveness, authoritativeness, and observability. Studies on the disputing process highlight

fifteen behaviors representing observability, authoritativeness, and aggressiveness:

● Avoidance: Unwilling social interaction with an offender (Turnbull, 1965).

● Commands: Directives between aggrieved parties to immediately and without question

alter some aspects of each other’s offensive behavior (Morrill, 1989).

● Conciliatory approaches: When aggrieved parties approach one another from postures of

reason or moderation and ask each other to respond similarly (Van Maanen, 1988).

● Covert discipline: Unilateral private punishment by an aggrieved superior of an offending

subordinate with reference to explicit conduct standards (Black, 1990).

● Covert non-cooperation: Intentional failures by an aggrieved party to perform behaviors

expected of him or her in response to an offender’s behavior (Baumgartner, 1984b).

● Direct criticism: Direct, verbal attacks by an aggrieved party against an offender (Morrill,

1989, 1991a).

● Informal counseling: Advice from an aggrieved party to an offender regarding how he or

she can return his or her behavior to an acceptable standard (Morrill, 1989, 1991b).

● Negotiation: Attempts by aggrieved parties to engage each other in joint decision-making

to resolve a conflict in a mutually agreeable manner (Barley, 1991).

● Overt discipline: Public punishment (sometimes publicized via written or electronic

media) of a subordinate offender by an aggrieved superior with reference to an explicit

set of conduct standards (Black, 1990).

● Overt non-cooperation: Intentional public failure of an aggrieved party to perform

behaviors expected of them in response to the offender’s behavior (Baumgartner, 1984b).

● Representative negotiation: Attempts by aggrieved parties to engage each other in

negotiation through third parties (Black, 1990).

● Secret complaining: Complaints from an aggrieved party to a third party about an

offender’s behavior without the offender’s knowledge (Baumgartner, 1984a).

● Settlement: Referral of a grievance by an aggrieved party to a relatively non-partisan

third party for resolution (Morrill, 1989).

● Sabotage: Aggressive covert retaliation by an aggrieved party against an offender

(Baumgartner, 1984b).

● Toleration: Endurance and inaction by an aggrieved party against an offender

(Baumgartner, 1984a).

The fifteen behaviors listed above represent a diverse range of approaches to conflict

resolution. These behaviors vary in assertiveness and visibility, ranging from avoidance, which

involves social disengagement from an offender to overt discipline, which entails public

punishment. Some approaches, such as negotiation and conciliatory approaches, emphasize

reason and mutual agreement, whereas others, such as commands and direct criticism, require

more assertive and confrontational behavior. Furthermore, covert and overt actions, such as

covert discipline or overt non-cooperation, demonstrate varying levels of visibility and privacy

when addressing grievances. These behaviors provide individuals with a diverse toolkit for

resolving conflicts and disputes in various social and cultural settings.

Unresolved disputes may compel employees to resort to collaboration and the formation

of labor unions, although private-sector unions currently only cover roughly 10% of private-

sector jobs (U.S. Department of Labor, 2022). The functions of labor relations may include

developing management responses to union organizing campaigns, using collective bargaining

agreements, and rendering interpretations of labor union contract issues (Cooke, 2007). Recently,

several labor organizations, mostly operating in the service sector, have moved toward an

inclusive social movement framework by making appeals to worker dignity, employing

disruptive protest tactics, and forging alliances with religious, civic, and social change groups

(Martin, 2008).

Rhetorical Communication Perspective

Rhetorical studies on labor disputes are scarce and disorganized. Rhetorical perspectives

on disputes mostly focus on the rhetorical tropes that underpin labor negotiations

(Donohue,1991; Jones, 1994; Garcia, 1991; Greatbatch & Dingwall, 1994; Putnam, 2004; Rubin,

1983; Walton & McKersie, 1965) and/or how labor unions are framed in the media (Kane &

Newman, 2019; McCall, 2013), with little to no attention to the processes of labor disputes

themselves, how they erupt within the workplace, and how such disputes are articulated from

either a worker or management perspective. For instance, very little attention has been paid to

categorizing the diverse forms of labor actions, given their widely varied characteristics. Official

statistics only distinguish “individual” and “collective” disputes. Some scholars distinguish labor

resistance in the repertories of actions taken, such as everyday resistance, collective action

(including stoppages, strikes, protests, demonstrations, and occupation of factories), petitions,

and lawsuits (Chen & Tang, 2013). This section highlights a few of the findings in these research

areas mentioned earlier.

Despite the vastly unexplored areas involving rhetorical perspectives on labor disputes,

scholarship on employee resistance has a long tradition of highlighting collective employee

resistance strategies, including unions, strikes, and coordinated output restrictions (Edwards,

1979; Friedman, 1977). Putnam (2004) argues that negotiation is key to managing labor disputes.

Negotiation invites the exchange of proposals between disputing parties and creates avenues for

sharing information and communication characterized by bargaining strategies and tactics. It

presents disputes or conflicts as dynamic phenomena and prioritizes language as a tool for

allowing or restricting negotiators as they seek alternative courses of action. Negotiation

involves “the interaction of two or more complex social units which are attempting to define or

redefine the terms of their interdependence” (Walton & McKersie 1965, p. 35). This attempt at

interdependency presents a mixed-motive situation in which parties walk a tightrope between

cooperation and competition, trust and distrust, and escalation and exploitation (Rubin, 1983).

One way to capture the complexities of interdependence is to focus on dialectical

relationship patterns (Jones, 1994). The study of dialectics centers on contradictions or how

oppositional forces create situations that are “both-and” or “either-or.” Disputing parties linked

to mixed-motive situations, such as cooperation/competition and exploitation/escalation,

confound and interact with these primary dialectics. Hence, they work out their interdependence

while exchanging proposals and managing these dialectical tensions. Interdependence then

becomes a dynamic feature of organizational disputes worked out through interactions. In this

interplay, mediators prioritize guiding interactions toward satisfactory outcomes or settlements

while minimizing arguments, emphasizing verbal immediacy or closeness between parties,

changing topics in response to disputants’ complaints, and extending client responses through

sanctioning or silence (Donohue, 1991; Garcia, 1991; Greatbatch & Dingwall, 1994).

Scholarship on how labor unions or labor-related actions are framed in the media during

disputes is worth mentioning. Media remain key players in disseminating information on labor

actions and disputes; however, labor-related news in recent years has been characterized by anti-

union rhetoric. This rhetoric portrays union workers as overpaid, greedy, and undeserving of

basic workers’ rights and draws a contrast between the compensation of union and non-union

workers. Kane and Newman (2019) refer to this form of rhetoric as class-based anti-union

rhetoric (CAR), which explicitly uses socioeconomic cues to construct and attack an outgroup,

which are union workers. For example, the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) went on strike in

2012 for various reasons but had to overcome the “popular idea” – often communicated in media

transmissions – that the teachers were substantially overpaid (Payne, 2012; Potts, 2012).

Kane and Newman (2019) argue that CAR is an unexplored anti-union frame that can

erode public support for organized labor and alter class identity-based solidarity between non-

union and union workers. CAR reflects the form of rhetoric concerning the “undeserving rich”

(McCall, 2013), portraying members of organized labor as anything but average; they portray

them as workers who are overpaid for their labor, selfish and greedy, and undeserving of greater

compensation, power, or public support rather than groups who have historically acted on behalf

of the interests of working-class Americans (Lipset & Schneider, 1987).

In addition, scholars have found that, in the midst of strike activity, unions have

frequently been framed as overly powerful institutions. In coverage of union-related legislation

in the 1970s, contracts negotiated by auto workers and Teamsters in the 1980s, and disputes

between the United Auto Workers (UAW) and Caterpillar in the 1990s, the unions were

commonly referred to as “big labor,” a pejorative label intended to convey the perception that

labor unions wield immense economic and political power. An analysis of Chicago Tribune

coverage of organized labor from 1991 to 2001 revealed that, while stories about unions were

sparse, the majority were negative in tone and focused on labor disputes, work disruptions, and

instances of union corruption (Bruno, 2009). Similarly, Park and Wright (2007) found that,

between 1980 and 2000, labor news mostly focused on strikes and was critical of unions. Labor-

related news coverage gives pronounced attention to incidents of corruption among labor

leadership. News coverage of unions has also been critical of labor leaders, or “union bosses,”

often portraying them as unduly powerful, corrupt, or greedy (Bruno, 2009; Puette, 1992).

CAR has three components. The first component is the rhetorical construction of an

ingroup and an outgroup (Tajfel et al., 1971) using “us and them” (Billig, 2003), or “insider-

outsider” (Emmenegger, 2009; Rueda, 2005; Schwander & Häusermann, 2013) political rhetoric

that is defined by socio–economic status. The second core component of CAR is the “modal

sentiment” it conveys toward the outgroup, which is that union workers are unduly compensated

for their labor, avariciously desirous of still greater compensation, and generally undeserving of

receiving greater compensation for their work than “the rest of us” (Kane & Newman, 2019).

The construction of these group parallels prevailing anti-rich rhetoric in popular political

discourse, in which the nation’s complex socioeconomic terrain is distilled into a dichotomous

landscape of opposing economic groups: the “haves” and “have-nots,” the “1 percent,” and the

“99 percent,” the “rich” and the “rest of us” (Collins, 2012).

For example, an article in Forbes charges that members of the UAW union earn “two to

three times what similar workers earn elsewhere” and that unions effectively “bring a small

number of privileged workers into the middle class, while others with the same qualifications sit

on the outside looking in” (Gregory, 2011). Another article in the National Review weighed in on

the 2012 Chicago teachers’ strike by stressing, “The average family in the city only earns

$47,000 a year. Yet the teachers rejected a 16 percent salary increase over four years at a time

when most families are not getting any raises or are looking for work” (Fund, 2012). This

rhetoric pushes anti-union discourse by emphasizing the income disparity between average

family earnings in the U.S. and the teachers’ demands. The article presents the teachers’

demands as out of sync with the economic reality and insensitive given the climate of economic

hardship. Arguably, this is a framing technique to sway public opinion against the teachers’

demands by painting them as unreasonable in light of the economic circumstances faced by

many families. Leone (2014) writes that Long Island Railroad (LIRR) workers are “well

compensated, set for life in retirement, and yet they are ready to inconvenience hard-working

commuters to get more.” Pawlenty (2010) charges that “public-sector unions have become the

exploiters, and working families once again need someone to stand up for them.” In Pawlenty’s

(2010) view, public-sector unions have shifted from being advocates for the rights and benefits

of their members to becoming exploiters, taking advantage of their position or power to prioritize

their own interests over the broader welfare of working families. Thus, working families need

someone or some entity to represent and defend their rights and interests against what the author

perceives as the exploitative behavior of these unions.

The third core component of CAR is its end goals, which, presumably, are to incite public

opposition to specific union efforts and to generally curb union power (Kane & Newman, 2019).

These goals are evident in recent media coverage of organized labor. A 2012 article appearing in

the New York Daily News, for example, was provocatively entitled, “The High Cost of Public

Unions: Spending We Can’t Sustain” (Marlow, 2012). Similarly, in the lead-up to the CTU strike

of 2012, an article appearing in The Daily Signal charged that “with retirement benefits that

easily outstrip benefits provided to similar workers in the private sector, Chicago teachers going

on strike to demand even higher compensation from taxpayers is just not defensible” (Richwine,

2012). The article claims that the teachers’ decision to strike for higher pay, especially since

taxpayers fund their current benefits, which are more generous than those in the private sector, is

not justifiable. It implies that the demand for higher compensation in the face of such generous

benefit packages is unreasonable. Essentially, the statement seeks to influence public opinion by

portraying teachers’ demands as excessive or unreasonable, particularly in a context involving

public funds. It reinforces the argument that teachers’ demands for higher pay are unjustifiable

given their already competitive benefits.

Kane and Newman (2019) assert that given the socio-economic similarities of CAR in

other Western countries besides the U.S. (for example, declining unionization in the private

sector, substantial unionization among public sector employees, and long-term increases in

income inequality), there is good reason to expect that the form and effects of CAR in other

Western countries will closely resemble those of the U.S. Moreover, given the nascent

industrialization and distinctly high rates of inequality in much of the developing world, CAR

might enable elites in other countries to foster public antipathy toward unions in emerging

economies.

Labor/Employee Disputes and Dissent

Research on labor disputes establishes a strong connection to dissent. Some studies use

the terms about disputes – such as strike, whistleblowing, picketing, and dissent –

interchangeably, suggesting that these forms of expression of dissent. Lipold and Isaac (2022)

categorically distinguish strikes, unionization, and socialist party growth as the three major forms

of worker dissent in their study. Early research on employee dissent primarily focused on the

expression of dissent in the media or to industry-governing bodies through whistleblowing

(Graham, 1986; Near & Jensen, 1983; Stewart, 1980; Westin, 1986). Hegstrom emphasizes that

there is the need for scholarly attention to messages that are exchanged during disputes. He

stated, “Messages and audiences tend to be ignored” (p. 89). Similarly, Redding (1985) notes

that whistleblowing and boat-rocking are merely two of many possible means of expressing

dissent. Since most studies have focused on the process or the rhetors of dissent, they have not

only neglected the messages, which are important, but also the different ways the meaning in

those messages might be interpreted. This also suggests that the way power operates in the

meaning of such discourse has also largely been unexamined.

Hicks (1999) defines dissent as the ability of workers to organize contention through the

channels of trade union activism, political party formation, and social movements – a working-

class mobilization that is only possible in a democratic society. Kassing (2011) adds that dissent

is often considered a “radical behavior” because “it can expose wrongdoing, highlight errors,

reveal shortcomings, and illuminate faults” (p. 22) perpetuated by management. A summary of

characteristics of dissent by organizational scholars reveals that first, dissent results from

dissatisfaction with current conditions. Second, dissent entails advocating a position different

from the organizational status quo. Third, dissent requires open protest and voicing objection.

Fourth, dissent becomes inherently adversarial. Fifth, dissent predominantly involves issues of

diverging stance on principles (Graham, 1986; Hegstrom, 1995; Redding, 1985; Stewart, 1980;

Westin, 1986). These various elements of dissent are crucial to grasp the nature of dissent within

organizations, encompassing dissatisfaction, the promotion of alternative perspectives, open

objection, adversarial tendencies, and the principled nature of the issues at hand. They

collectively highlight the complexity and depth of dissent as a mechanism for change and

progress within organizational structures. What these studies reveal about labor dissent is that

contentions are often complex, and they can quickly turn volatile (Hicks, 1999; Kassing, 2011;

Redding, 1985).

Within the organizational setting, employees’ express dissent in different ways/forms.

For instance, strikes are forms of dissent and episodic products of labor dispute characterized by

a collective withdrawal of labor power – they are insurgent forms of protest that signal the failure

of involved parties to reach an agreement (Lipold & Isaac, 2022). Some strikes are characterized

by labor-management violence, and many of the most violent strikes in American history were

for basic union recognition (Montgomery, 1979; Taft & Ross, 1969). Unionization or worker

self-organization is another form of workplace dissent that focuses on the attempt by employees

to gain voice and organized power in the workplace (Lipold & Isaac, 2022). Kurtz (2004) asserts

the manufacturing sector usually exhibits the greatest and most potent levels of unionization.

Unions are an obvious manifestation of broader social networks that flourish with strong

manufacturing sectors. Still, informal inter-factory networks can create the resources and space

to initiate civil resistance where formal unions are banned (Collier 1999).

Several scholars argue that social networks are one major avenue within which unions

thrive. Social networks form preexisting mobilization infrastructures that nearly all dissidents

exploit (Lichbach, 1998) and enable groups to control and diffuse information, overcome

collective action problems (Goldstone, 1994; Lichbach 1998; Tullock 1971), absorb and

distribute resources (Pearlman 2011), and draw upon norms of in-group solidarity and trust

(Gould 1993). In modern times, various social network platforms play crucial roles in facilitating

union activities, with platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn being among the most

used.

Counter-institutional websites equally represent a unique and potentially powerful tool

for worker dissent and resistance. For instance, Gossett and Kilker (2006) argue that counter-

institutional websites like RadioShackSucks.com enable dissenters to take part in discussions

normally discouraged within traditional work environments and allow them to publicly and

anonymously voice their concerns and frustrations about particular institutions with reduced fear

of retribution or termination. The authors’ examination of 1,095 postings on

RadioShackSucks.com reveal that dissenters use these sites to engage in resistance efforts

outside formal organizational boundaries. Putnam (2005) documents how dissatisfied members

of a labor union used an oppositional website to campaign against an agreement being

championed by the leaders of their organization. The union’s leadership failed to fully appreciate

the persuasive power of this renegade website and, as a result, suffered an overwhelming defeat

at the hands of this splinter group.

Dissent: An Interplay of Resistance and Power

Deetz (1998) conceptualizes dissent as a political act within the organizational

environment that “opens both the corporation and individuals to learning through reclaiming

differences and conflicts overlooked or suppressed by dominant conceptions or arrangements”

(p. 159). Dissent is an expression of concern, objections and disagreements (Zhou & George,

2001). Kassing (2019) argues that the inclination of organizations to control employees and the

desire of employees to have workplace autonomy foreshadows how dissent will readily occur in

modern organizations. Employees have three primary options when faced with organizational

problems. First, they can choose to remain loyal to the firm and passively but optimistically hope

for improvements to take place. Second, they can engage in organizational exit and leave the

system. Third, they can voice their concerns to demand change (Hirschman, 1970; Kassing,

2001). Zhou and George (2001) propose the lack of a viable exit strategy may prompt

dissatisfied members to dissent or use their voice to improve the situation.

Using one’s voice may also substitute for member exit: “The role of voice would increase

as the opportunities for exit decline, up to a point where, with exit wholly unavailable, voice

must carry the entire burden of alerting management to its failings” (Hirschman, 1970, p. 34). In

such circumstances, employee dissent or voice may become increasingly strident and desperate if

ignored because it is the only proactive option available. When member voice is directed at

organizational leadership rather than other members or groups (latent dissent), it is classified as

an articulated form of dissent (Kassing, 1998, 2001). Although this strategy can be an effective

mechanism for creating change, it also exposes the vocalizing member to organizational scrutiny

and possible retribution (Bok, 1989; Lewis, 2001; Miethe, 1999). Employees are more likely to

express upward rather than lateral or displaced dissent when they perceive they have the freedom

of speech in the workplace and are fairly included in organizational decision-making (Kassing,

2000a). On the other hand, Kassing (1998) found that some members voice their concerns

through informal networks rather than directly through the official hierarchy (Kassing, 2001;

Kassing & Dicioccio, 2004). This latent form of dissent occurs when “employees resort to

expressing their contradictory opinions and disagreements aggressively to ineffectual audiences

across the organization or in concert with other frustrated employees” (Kassing, 2001, p. 445).

When insurgent employees challenge established institutional arrangements like the

workplace status quo, those in power typically take repressive action against the dissenters

(Davenport, 2007; Earl & Soule, 2010). When this happens, dissenting employees may be

ignored, punished, or rewarded (Graham, 1986; Near & Jensen, 1983; Stewart, 1980). Such

organizational actions toward employee dissent compel employees or workgroups to monitor

their organizational climate, gauge how they should characterize their dissents, and express them

strategically (Hegstrom, 1999; Kassing, 2002; Sprague & Ruud, 1988). In terms of general

resistance to power (hegemony), Antonio Gramsci (1971) calls this type of dissent organization

the war of position. After careful reflection and experiencing a critical consciousness, dissenting

members can provide an oppositional discourse while articulating their concerns that can

challenge the dominant narrative and provide an alternative for making sense of the organization

and the current crisis (Gosset & Kilker, 2006).

Management wields the power that can tolerate or repress dissent by manipulating the

rhetorical environment (Graham, 1986; Hegstrom, 1990). This powerplay informs subsequent

dissenters whether they should expect to be rewarded, ignored, or punished (Graham, 1986;

Redding, 1985), whether they will be perceived as constructive or adversarial (Kassing, 2001),

and whether or not they will experience retaliation (Kassing, 1997). Thus, employees monitor

their respective organizational cultures and climates to ascertain how, when, and to whom to

express dissent.

Organizational repressive action against employee dissent has been highlighted in

conclusive findings in recent reports (Earl, 2011). Studies reveal five claims about the impact of

repression. First, the intensity of repressive action may hinder insurgent or dissenting

mobilization (Jenkins & Perrow, 1977; Snyder & Tilly, 1972). Second, the intensity of repressive

action may aggravate dissenting mobilization when bystanders or third parties also become

offended by the repression (Hess & Martin, 2006). Third, lower levels of repression may

increase dissenting mobilization, but higher levels of repression may dampen or quell

mobilization (Lichbach, 1987; Snyder, 1976). Fourth, the unstable political terrain of an

organization’s management may reveal contradictions and conflict among leadership that may

weaken repressive action and, thus, increase dissenting mobilization (Meyer, 2004; Staggenborg,

2016). Finally, when dissenters use forms of practice that elicit repression to which the wider

public or strong third parties object, repression can backfire (Bloom, 2020). Dissenting

employees may unionize to gain voice and organized power within the workplace and beyond to

sabotage repressive actions (Lipold & Isaac, 2022).

The power of mobilized dissent like labor unions, strike action, and picketing is that it

gives dissenters interdependent power to resist and challenge organizations and workplace

repression. Interdependent power comprises “popular power yielded by the development of

electoral representative institutions and the power yielded by the industrial workplace” (Piven,

2008, p. 6). This concept pertains to labor or workers’ activism. In a comparative study, Nair

(2016) argues that mining workers succeeded in their mobilized dissenting strategies compared

to industrial workers in India because they had “interdependent power,” which they used in their

struggle with the mine management and the state. Workers drew their strength simultaneously

from militant unionism, social movement repertoires, electoral politics, and community building.

The successful exercise of this power required its recognition by both contenders and

powerholders (Nair, 2016). Thus, the more people who appear to work in solidarity as a cohesive

dissenting group (even if they are not the main group affected but agree with the main group),

the stronger the symbolic nature of dissent.

Another subtle form of employee dissent is the concept of “hidden transcripts,” as

articulated by Scott (1990) and Kelley (1993). Scott (1990) posits that “everyday” forms of

employee resistance form a complex “hidden transcript” that exists within the dissenting

community, even though they attempt to hide it from their exploiters. Kelley (1993) adds that

despite appearances of consent, oppressed groups or dissenters challenge those in power by

constructing a “hidden transcript,” a dissenting political culture that manifests itself in daily

conversations, folklore, jokes, songs, and other cultural practices. Although dissenting workers

may appear to consent in front of their managers and the security cameras, the memes, jokes, and

generally dissenting political content posted to these workers’ online communities and platforms

speak to the existence of a hidden transcript that runs deeply through the workforce (Shuster,

2022). For example, Shuster (2022) investigates dissenting Reddit communities of Walmart and

Target retail workers and found that both pages – r/walmart and r/target – were filled with daily

transcripts of dissenting workers. Workers post daily absurdities, offer practical advice to each

other, and openly critique the corporation. The popular Reddit thread “Malicious Compliance” is

a good example of such online, dissenting communities.

In August 2022, the second most popular thread on r/walmart focused on the term “quiet

quitting.” Shuster (2022) describes that with over 1,600 up-votes, the hundreds of comments

echoed agreement that “quiet quitting” was a good strategy at Walmart. The second most popular

post on r/target focused on an employee whiteboard with various political messages. Messages

critiqued the wealth of Target’s CEO, decried “unchecked corporate greed,” encouraged

unionization, and encouraged workers to “act their wage.” This last term, “act your wage,” is

immensely popular throughout the anti-work community. “Act your wage” is a popular anti-

work rhetoric, urging workers to align their lifestyle with their actual income and avoid

unnecessary spending. It is often used as a critique of how society pressures people to overspend

or live beyond one’s financial means, advocating for conscious and responsible financial

decisions amidst a culture of consumerism. This phrase emphasizes the importance of rejecting

societal norms that promote overwork and excessive consumption, encouraging a more balanced

and mindful approach to personal finances and lifestyle choices. Such transcripts of dissent,

emerging regularly from the most popular internet forums for Walmart and Target workers,

suggest that at least some workers make the specific progression from their dissent against their

big-box retail job into broader critiques of a neoliberal, capitalist infrastructure.

Although conventional definitions of resistance privilege organized and collective

opposition to managerial practices, contemporary resistance scholars suggest extending the

research focus to include “forms of opposition that are more inconspicuous, subjective, subtle

and unorganized” (Fleming & Sewell, 2002, p. 863). Dissent scholars have largely dismissed

peer-focused voice as unproductive because it “does not directly reach effective audiences (i.e.,

supervisors, management) that can properly respond to disagreements or concerns” (Kassing,

1998, p. 25). However, Fleming and Spicer (2002) caution that these private and subtle acts of

resistance should not be seen as mere coping devices or safety valves, particularly “when the

very hearts and minds of workers is the terrain of struggle” (p. 80). These strategies enable

workers to oppose the values and practices of the organization without threatening their

membership within the larger system. Research on these subtle acts of organizational resistance

has examined members’ use of underground publications such as cartoons, newsletters, and zines

to critique the actions of management (Daisey, 2002; Dundes & Pagter, 1992; Fleming & Spicer,

2002; Levine, 1998). In addition, contemporary organizational forms (distributed companies,

outsourcing agencies, independent contractors, multinational corporations, and virtual firms)

force employees to find informal spaces other than the traditional water cooler or office hallway

chats. As organizational structures become increasingly fragmented, so do the acts of member

dissent and resistance (Gosset & Kilker, 2006). Counter-institutional websites like

RadioShackSucks.com and Reddit.com facilitate member dissent and organizational resistance

(Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Shuster, 2022).

Memes as Communicative Dissent

As noted above, memes may be one of the forms of “hidden transcripts” that workers use

to express organizational dissent (Schuster, 2022). However, the study of memes as forms of

employee dissent is almost non-existent. This research gap is one of the key reasons behind this

present study. Organizational communication research on memes often explores memes as units

or elements of organizational culture (Manikandan, 2009; Price, 2008; Schlaile et al., 2021;

Weeks & Galunic, 2003; Yang, 2011). A vast field of unexplored conceptual and empirical

potential exists regarding the combination of memetics with research on organizational culture

(Russ, 2014) and change processes in organizations and other complex social systems (Cook,

2015; Waddock, 2015, 2016, 2019). Regardless, a few studies explore how memes and social

networks serve as powerful online tools for worker dissent and resistance. While these notable

studies provide comprehensive findings on the roles of memes and social networks in employee

dissent and resistance, they acknowledge that less attention has been paid to how employees use

social media and its techniques – like memes – to challenge or subvert corporations (Kirkwood

et al., 2019).

Gosset and Kilker (2006) assert that RadioShackSucks.com

was one of a growing breed

of counter-institutional websites that provided a space outside the control of the target

Radio Shack sought and won a temporary injunction against Radio ShackSucks.com in the summer of 2004. The corporation

accused the website of injuring the reputation of the company and revealing confidential information to the public. Although the

website had withstood Radio Shack’s attacks for over five years, in July 2004, RadioShackSucks.com was removed from the

Internet by court order (Gosset &Kilker, 2006).

organization to oppose official institutional messages, policies, and practices. Although it is

difficult to determine exactly how many of these websites exist, there are currently more than

7,000 corporate-focused sites on the Internet with “sucks,” “sux,” or a similarly derisive slang

verb in their web address (Olian, 2004). Media and corporations often dismiss counter-

institutional websites as publicizing the outbursts of disgruntled employees and customers.

However, in addition to providing a place for organizational stakeholders to vent their

frustrations, these sites enable isolated or fragmented groups of workers to connect with each

other and collectively organize, and a place where they can share effective strategies. Counter-

institutional websites like RadioShackSucks.com and Reddit.com facilitate member dissent and

organizational resistance (Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Shuster, 2022). The internet is increasingly

becoming a place for workers to come together, share information, and engage in collective

action outside the organization’s boundaries. In an era when workplaces are increasingly

fragmented, and union memberships are declining (Nissen, 2003; U.S. Department of Labor,

2022), counter-institutional websites provide workers with the opportunity to connect with others

who share their occupational or organizational affiliations (Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Nissen,

2003).

Kirkwood et al. (2019) examine how protestors on Twitter used the hashtag

#JusticeforBradsWife to rebel against Cracker Barrel’s (CB) firing of a former employee. The

content of Twitter posts for the #JusticeforBradsWife movement revealed that participants used

humor and discourse as a form of organizational resistance, and their strategies mimicked

trolling behaviors in online fora. The authors conclude that #JusticeforBradsWife represents a

unique form of collective trolling characterized by humor, a blend of overt and covert resistance,

and disruptive behavior. They add that collective trolling on spaces like Twitter creates avenues

where humor and entertainment intersect to subvert ideas, organizations, and individuals. Mina

(2019) emphasizes that as the internet essentially creates avenues for communities to move and

advocate for change on a global scale, it has also given rise to the worldwide use of selfies and

hashtag memes to create a sense of physical co-presence and make transformative changes to

society. Mina (2019) adds that many online communities have become protest movements

seeking and creating positive change. Contemporary social media platforms like Facebook and

Twitter allow users to fight against corporate and organizational control using channels most

organizations view as public relations outlets. Individuals, including employees, use these sites

as avenues to express displeasure or ridicule organizations in the hope of creating change

(Gerbaudo, 2012).

Kirkwood et al. (2019) also recount a user who referenced the immense viral presence of

Meryl Streep, as she appears in a variety of popular memes over recent years. The user took a

picture of Streep yelling at the Oscars ceremony and created a meme where Streep yells, “What

happened to Brad’s wife?” on a Cracker Barrel server. The user wrote above the meme, “Dear

@CrackerBarrel, we demand answers. Why did you fire Brad’s wife? #JusticeforBradsWife (p.

225).” The meme invoked the political activism and fame of Meryl Streep, known for her public

support of leftist causes and candidates whose platforms support labor unions and blue-collar

workers. The authors add that the humor in #JusticeforBradsWife posts also relied on intertextual

references to popular culture. The GIFs and memes in this movement often appropriated scenes

from popular films and shows, some even appropriated other legacy memes and GIFs that have

become highly popular over the last few years.

Another study mentions an employee protest in 2016 involving the teachers of the

southern state of Oaxaca, Mexico, and the federal police. The death of at least nine protesters and

several injuries on both sides rapidly increased public sympathy for the teachers’ union and aided

both online and street protests (Ahmed & Semple, 2016). Much of the teachers’ online activism

appeared in the form of memes and other multimedia elements shared on Facebook, which were

useful in coordinating the offline protests and demonstrations throughout the country in a short

amount of time (Ramírez Plascencia, 2018). After the incident in Oaxaca, the hashtag

#Nochixtlan became a trending topic on Twitter in Mexico, enabling protestors to organize street

protests in different cities in the country against the severe use of public force. Several videos,

pictures, memes, and news related to the event in Oaxaca started circulating online. These

memes not only constitute a form of discourse, but they are also symbolic and complex practices

of contestation against dominant narratives – they are a digital weapon that travels across an

alternative medium to confront authority (Hristova, 2014; Machin & Mayr, 2012; Van Dijk,

2003). For instance, Ramírez Plascencia (2018) emphasizes that one of the memes used in the

protest reclaims the teachers’ rights to dissent and protest inequalities as inherent to their

traditional role as moral authorities, especially in rural communities.

Some international protests were organized by teachers in several countries in support of

their colleagues in Oaxaca, such as the demonstration outside the Mexican consulate in the city

of Chicago by local educators (Asmann, 2016). This solidarity gave worldwide visibility to the

movement. Mexican teachers noticed they were not alone in their fight and that other educators

shared their causes and concerns. Although the web provides a generous advantage for accessible

global communication, dissent does not travel alone; important and banal information fight each

other to catch public attention, and the competition is fierce. Moreover, this rivalry for attention

occurs in addition to the already hyper-competitive “attention economy,” which is the framework

in which all social media platforms utilize in their “drive for audience attention” (Culloty &

Suiter, 2021, p. 52). Despite the web’s pitfalls and drawbacks, cases like the teacher union’s use

of social media and memes to trigger protests in Mexico is a strong example of how social media

gives movements and communities a voice (Thapliyal et al., 2013). There have long been

dissenters, especially within teacher unions, who have expressed their discontent in the form of

social movements and protests. Particularly in the global South, many of those voices have used

social media as the main channel to express their dissatisfaction (Couldry & Curran, 2003; Motta

& Nilsen, 2011).

Systemic change in the organizational setting has often been attributed to employee

dissent. Without people who voice their opinions and push for reform, most organizations will

remain disincentivized to change. Dissent can lead to promotions, policy changes, strikes, or

even lawsuits. Because of its prevalence in all organizations, dissent is an important part of

communication in the workplace. While most records on the recent UPS employee crisis focus

on the outcome of the Teamsters’ fight against UPS, no attention has been given to the role of

dissenting interactions occurring online that undergird the outcomes of the employees’ resistance

and eventual triumph against UPS. The goal of this thesis is to unravel the power of online

dissent as a form of employee resistance. Specifically, I will theorize the memetic dissent

surrounding the recent UPS employee protest, highlighting its rhetorical and linguistic nature and

relationship to hegemony. Given the emergence of digital tools for labor expression in recent

contestations, it is safe to argue that memes are the contemporary version of catchy slogans on

picket signs when workers go on strike. As such, memes might be the new way of dissenting –

carrying on the tradition of exposing, calling out, and raising awareness about how management

engages in unfair practices.

Although dissent remains a growing area in organizational communication research

(Garner, 2017; Hastings, 2013), the focus on memetic dissent has been minimal as discussed

earlier. Nevertheless, memes are becoming an increasingly powerful form of worker dissent in

online spaces. It is, therefore, crucial that 21st-century corporations, rhetoric, and organizational

communication researchers further explore and understand their use and implication as an

avenue for expressing dissent (Mina, 2019). Traditional social media platforms like Facebook,

LinkedIn and Twitter are profound spaces for labor unions and corporations like the Teamsters

and UPS to build an online identity and solidify a brand. Both the Teamsters and UPS have

official pages on these platforms where current issues are broadcast. One of the most popular

counter-institutional websites, Reddit.com, allows member dissent and organizational resistance

and therefore provides access to enormous records of dissentious memetic discourses and

employee transcripts concerning the current dispute (Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Shuster, 2022).

Conclusion

This chapter explores the multifaceted subject areas of organizational dissent, labor

disputes, and their intricacies. It commences by shedding light on significant labor disputes in

American history, providing an extensive view of labor resistance across different eras and how

these historical movements have influenced contemporary labor disputes, exemplified by the

recent UPS labor dispute. The examination of organizational and rhetorical perspectives on labor

disputes emphasizes the evolving scholarly discourse that has shaped our knowledge of labor

conflicts.

Moreover, this chapter explores the intrinsic relationship between labor disputes and

dissent, emphasizing the various forms and the frequent interchangeability of these terms in

academic scholarship. It further dissects the dynamics of power and resistance that underlie

employee disputes and how resistance manifests throughout the course of a dispute. The chapter

also explores the role of memes and social networks in shaping labor and employee dissent in

online spaces, enabling real-time organization and resistance against corporate power. Lastly, it

draws attention to the existing research gap, which serves as the central focus of this study. This

comprehensive review serves to lay the foundation for the subsequent analysis and exploration of

these crucial subjects within the context of the overarching research goal.

CHAPTER III: METHOD

Introduction

In this chapter, I present critical rhetoric and the concept of hegemony as the frameworks

that will undergird the analysis of the intricate interplay between corporate dominance and

employee dissent within digital space, highlighting the negotiation of power and tactics of

resistance deployed amidst the recent UPS dispute and contemporary labor conflicts in general.

Central to this investigation will be an in-depth analysis of memes as a potent form of dissent

and resistance that functions as an organizational tool that reshapes the discourse and power

dynamics surrounding labor disputes in online spaces.

I have selected the 2023 UPS labor dispute for examination because of its timeliness and

its pivotal nature within the broader context of labor movements. Positioned against a backdrop

of historical labor disputes in the U.S., this particular event stands as a beacon for contemporary

rhetorical inquiry into American labor crises. Given its timeliness, the UPS labor quandary

should allow access to and retrieval of vital sources of information regarding the dispute. In other

words, the recency of the labor dispute should yield sufficient primary and contextual

information while this rhetorical situation is still fresh in people’s memories. Moreover, the

resolution of this dispute marked a significant victory for the UPS Teamsters and labor unions

generally, underscoring the potential of contemporary labor organizing strategies to secure wins

in conflicts with hefty corporate entities. Furthermore, the underexplored impact of online social

networks and digital engagement in the realm of labor organizing amplifies the significance of

the recent UPS labor dispute, offering an intriguing avenue to address gaps in labor scholarship

concerning the role of digital discourse, including memes and hidden transcripts, in fostering

employee dissent and resistance within the modern corporate landscape.

Given that in this study, I aim to explore digital memes that undergirded the UPS labor

dissent, interactions, organizing, and resistance to labor power, the key theoretical consideration

for analysis will be the critical concept of hegemony. Before I explore the concept of hegemony,

I will highlight key justifications behind some considerations for this study.

Context of the Present Study

The chosen labor dispute for analysis is the 2023 UPS management-labor dispute. Given

the long record of labor disputes in American history, with others that are far more notable, the

recent 2023 UPS labor dispute is selected for this study for several reasons. First, the recent UPS

dispute was a major, contentious issue that generated widespread and comprehensive media

coverage. Second, the dispute marked a significant victory for UPS Teamsters and labor unions

in general after the Teamsters won the strike authorization vote, eventually securing wins in their

negotiation with UPS and, thus, avoiding a potential strike. This triumph in labor history calls for

critical and scholarly inquiry into how labor unions are evolving and securing their power to win

contemporary labor challenges. Lastly, the contribution of social networks and digital discourse

to labor organizing has been underexplored in contemporary labor scholarship. The recent UPS

phenomenon presents an avenue for such a gap to be addressed. As such, this significant

rhetorical event presents avenues and access to primary sources of information critical to this

study’s objectives. Ultimately, such considerations draw attention to the evolving nature and role

of social media and online discourses – specifically memes – that facilitate organizational

phenomena like employee dissent and resistance.

Gramsci’s Notion of Hegemony

Given that this study will explore the interplay of corporate power and employee

resistance, it is imperative that I use a critical framework to excavate crucial – although

sometimes hidden – meanings within the texts; and, since labor contestations fundamentally

involve questions of power disparity within social relations, I believe Antonio Gramsci’s notion

of hegemony will be the most useful critical orientation when examining this rhetoric. For

Gramsci, hegemony is one of the major notions that can help reveal the relationships between

language and power in historical social formations (De Mauro, 2010), and one of the areas where

Gramsci saw the dynamics of hegemony occurring was with the factory councils, who at the time

in Italy’s history functioned much like modern American labor unions, against their power-

yielding corporate owners (Gramsci, 1971). Antonio Gramsci defined hegemony as “intellectual

and moral leadership” and developed it as his most powerful concept to consider how the

socialist subversion of Western capitalism might take place (1971, p. 57). Gramsci states that,

The supremacy of a social group manifests itself in two ways, as “domination” and as

“intellectual and moral leadership.” A social group dominates antagonistic groups which

tend to “liquidate” or to subjugate, perhaps even by armed force, it leads kindred and

allied groups. A social group can, and indeed must, already exercise “leadership” before

winning governmental power (this indeed is one of the principal conditions for the

winning of such power); it subsequently becomes dominant when it exercises power, but

even if it holds it firmly in its grasp, it must continue to “lead” as well. (Gramsci, 1971, p.

57)

In essence, the leadership or governance of any complex fascist, capitalist, socialist, monarchist

or political formation engages in two complementary practices: domination and hegemony.

Domination requires the use of coercion and force against resistance to its authority and power.

Hegemony uses intellectual and moral persuasion to infuse its ideas of morality to gain the

supportof those who resist or may be neutral, to retain the support of those who consent to its

rule, and to establish alliances as widely as possible to enable the creation of an “ethical-

political” relationship with the people (Gramsci, 1971, p. 207). Gramsci asserts that it is likely

that some social categories within the population will continue to resist its supremacy; thus, a

hegemonic organization must stand in a dialectical relationship with dominance, and the

practices of both organizations will always be tempered by the other (Gramsci, 1970).

Hegemony, thus, may incorporate domination dialectically on the basis that it is rendered

explicitly from the point of view of a specific subject category – dominance through ideology

(Kurt, 1990).

Mumby (1997) theorizes the relationships among communication, power, and

organization, emphasizing the communicative processes through which social actors variously

identify with, resist, and transform the systems of meaning that structure their experiences of the

world. He adds that organizations are principal sites of meaning and identity formation where

relations of autonomy and dependence, power and resistance, are continuously negotiated among

competing interest groups. He views Gramsci’s concept of hegemony as revitalizing the

relationship between power and resistance and asserts that hegemony simultaneously embodies

the dynamic of power and resistance.

One of the critical inquiries of this study is to unveil, within the discursive space of

memes, if/how hegemony secures and maintains its power through dialectical articulation and

how hegemony may define the relationship between the UPS management and its employees.

Thus, in my analysis, I hope to unravel evidence of how UPS management secures and maintains

its power, as articulated in some of the texts chosen for analysis. This would involve analyzing

the visual and textual elements of the memes to identify representations of power dynamics,

control, and dominance attributed to UPS management. By applying Gramsci’s concept of

hegemony, I hope to uncover how these memes reflect the ways in which management’s

authority and influence are conveyed and reinforced, as well as how they are contested or

subverted within the discursive space of the memes.

Further in this study, I will explore how UPS deploys the intellectual concept of

materialism in exercising dominance. Gramsci’s concept of materialism encompasses the idea

that material conditions – economic, social, and cultural aspects – play a pivotal role in shaping

social relations, power structures, and ideologies within a society. In Gramsci’s view,

materialism goes beyond mere economic determinism and includes the broader societal

conditions and cultural expressions that influence the formation of dominant ideologies and

power dynamics. It emphasizes the significance of tangible factors such as resources, economic

conditions, and social relations in shaping the beliefs, values, and identities of social groups,

thereby contributing to the maintenance or challenge of hegemonic control within a given society

during a given historical moment. Thus, in the context of the dispute under investigation, I will

identify and analyze the discourse of sampled dissenting memes related to the 2023 UPS labor

dispute that depict and comment on the restrictions of tangible resources imposed by UPS

management, such as unfair wages, restricted work benefits and insurance, and poor working

conditions. The objective is to uncover how these memes reflect and potentially challenge the

power dynamics and control exerted by UPS management over its employees. The analysis will

reveal the ways in which these aspects of control are articulated and contested within the

discursive space of the memes, helping us realize how internet memes function as a form of

participatory discourse in the context of labor disputes. Additionally, the broader context of labor

demands made by the Teamsters in this recent dispute shed light on the issues they faced,

indicating how these restrictions by UPS affected them and their working conditions. A critique

of this material restriction will reveal the exercised domination of UPS over its employees.

Hegemony aims to obtain consent and establish its legitimacy to survive. Although

hegemony is not synonymous with culture or ideology, hegemonic practices can create and

sustain cultural formations and ideologies (Gramsci, 1971; Williams, 1960). Important players in

hegemonic practices are “traditional and organic intellectuals” who provide the direction for

hegemonic processes (Gramsci,1971, p. 5). Gramsci states that “all men are intellectuals...but not

all men have in society the function of intellectuals” (1971, p. 9). Traditional intellectuals are

agents who tend to represent and direct the interests of those in power. In contrast, organic

intellectuals are agents who represent and direct the interest of subaltern populations who are

exploited and demeaned. The major difference between traditional and organic intellectuals is

that the latter practice a form of self-reflexivity and deep, critical questioning. Organic

intellectuals also tend to emerge from subaltern communities as representatives of a counter-

hegemonic structure, and they may be located in the institutions of the state, the party, or civil

society. Intellectuals hassle for the minds and support of the masses and create the alliances

necessary either to sustain or establish a hegemonic formation unified under the moral principles

of intellectual leadership (Gramsci,1971; Kurt, 1960).

Gramsci introduces the concept of “common sense,” drawing from Vico (1994), as tied to

ideology and hegemony. Vico (1994) characterizes sensus communis as making “human choice

certain with respect to needs and utilities” (p. 141) and validating “judgment without reflection,

shared by an entire class, an entire people, an entire nation, or the entire human race” (p. 142). In

other words, sensus communis provides “a common ground of truth,” a level of uniformity and

social bonds across a particular community (Schaeffer, 1990, p. 144). The common “ground of

truth” implies a shared understanding – a consensus or agreement on what is considered truthful,

reasonable, or acceptable within that community. It acts as a foundation of unified agreement

that shapes beliefs, norms, and behaviors. Moreover, this common ground of truth fosters a level

of uniformity within the community by establishing a basis for shared knowledge and

perspectives, creating a sense of coherence or harmony among its members. Gramsci provides a

dialectical explanation of common sense. Common sense is “uncritical and largely unconscious,

dogmatic” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 435), and “conservative” (p. 423). It is a “chaotic aggregate of

different conceptions” (p. 422) and a “primitive historical acquisition” (p. 199). Common sense

can crystallize in powerful ways. In fact, one of the reasons that Gramsci was interested in this

notion has to do with the concept of “organic ideology,” often labeled “good sense” by Gramsci,

which is understood as a spontaneous mobilization of a determinate group’s desire to meet social

needs. Gramsci treats common sense as a fragmented and intersubjective phenomenon that,

through the exchange of meanings, values, or practices, explains and regulates social intercourse.

In essence, common sense explains how language can act as a factor of socialization,

aggregation, and social organization such that language creates a contradictory unity between an

individual’s embrace of common values and collective structural unity.

Common sense is tied to hegemony and ideology from Gramsci’s perspective. On the one

hand, in each social formation, there is as much common sense as there are ideologies

corresponding to culturally specific worldviews. However, at the same time, in particular social

and historical conditions, and by virtue of their preeminent position in the productive social

organization (e.g., bourgeois class or proletariat), some groups can become potentially able to

universalize their particular vision of the world, thus extending it to the rest of society (Briziarelli

& Karikari, 2016). As Gramsci (1971) notes:

The realization of a hegemonic apparatus, in so far as it creates new ideological terrain,

determine[s] a reform of consciousness and of methods of knowledge ... when one

succeeds in introducing a new morality in conformity with a new conception of the

world, one finishes by introducing the conception as well; in other words, one determines

a reform of the whole philosophy. (Gramsci, 1971, p. 192)

Given that the bourgeois class can achieve that role thanks to the ownership and control of most

of the means of economic and cultural production, the subaltern can achieve it by developing a

critical consciousness that may align with the emancipatory goals of all classes (Briziarelli &

Karikari, 2016).

Another critical inquisition borders on how the concept of common sense is

instrumentally beneficial to hegemonic organizations like UPS, especially during cases of

dispute. Although not the primary focus of the present study, but within the broader context of

hegemony as a conceptual framework, one of my objectives is to reveal evidence of corporate

strategies of sensus communis as articulated within sampled memetic discourse that may have

privileged UPS in constructing and projecting a worldview of “dominant truth,” using media as a

framing tool to validate and push anti-union rhetoric and PR strategies, and ideologies in

maintaining control over narratives surrounding the dispute and diminishing the voices and

realities of its employees. If any are found within the discourse of the memes under analysis, the

goal is to unveil and analyze if/how these sensus communis strategies or dominant narratives

may have been weaponized by management to fragment employees concerning collaborative

attempts like unionization, authorization to strike, and protest organization.

Intellectuals who resist or otherwise oppose an existing hegemonic formation constitute

a counter-hegemonic formation. It is important to note that Gramsci never used the moniker

“counter hegemony” because he viewed the notion of hegemony as relatively value neutral. In

other words, a particular hegemony might be beneficial or detrimental, useful or problematic. As

the concept of hegemony unfolds, we can ascertain with more clarity Gramsci’s dialectical

understanding of it. As an ontological state-of-being, hegemony simply describes a group or

entity that is in power. Unfortunately, many reigning regimes circumscribe their powers into a

totalizing governing force that, for many of us, depict hegemonic regimes as oppressive and

suffocating. Hence, while one hegemony will simply replace another, the goal is to progress and

cultivate an improved hegemonic apparatus over time. To clarify how this process works, some

scholars have differentiated an oppressive hegemony with a more practical and useful “counter

hegemony” (Davies, 2023; McGuire, 2018; McSweeney, 2014).

A vital component to a new (counter) hegemony is the role of organic intellectuals.

Organic intellectuals work to raise the consciousness of subaltern populations to an awareness of

their exploitation to inculcate an ideology around which they may establish alliances and unify

diverse interests to challenge the exploitative practices of the existing formation (Gramsci,

1971). Such awareness goes beyond common sense notions of the world and resides in the ability

to demystify, critique, and act against hegemonic systems of meaning and power (Zompetti,

2012). This philosophy entails a critical judgement of self that permits recognition of one’s

connection to others, both conceptually and materially:

Consciousness of being part of a particular hegemonic force (that is to say, political

consciousness) is the first stage towards a further progressive self-consciousness in which

theory and practice will finally be one. Thus, the unity of theory and practice is not just a

matter of mechanical fact, but a part of the historical process .... This is why it must be

stressed that the political development of the concept of hegemony represents a great

philosophical advance as well as a politico-practical one. For it necessarily supposes an

intellectual unity and an ethic in conformity with a conception of reality that has gone

beyond common sense and has become…a critical conception. (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 333-

334)

Thus, a conscious awareness of one’s role within a dominant political force is the initial step

toward a deeper self-awareness. This awareness – or critical consciousness – leads to the

merging of theory and practice, forming a unified understanding of praxis that is crucial for

progress. The evolution of the concept of hegemony not only signifies political development but

also signifies intellectual and ethical growth, indicating a critical judgement of reality beyond

conventional wisdom.

Gramsci (1971) indicates that it is easier for a counter-hegemonic organization to subvert

a government whose rule is based on coercion than one in which the hegemonic formation has

successfully attained the support and consent of the population. He provides two strategies to

subvert an existing government. To subvert a weakly entrenched government, one must confront

and challenge its authority directly through “a war of maneuver.” Gramsci argues that in a war of

maneuver, the goal is to create a favorable position for oneself by shifting the terrain of struggle

to one’s advantage. This involves identifying the weaknesses of one’s opponents and exploiting

them to gain an upper hand. This may entail revolution, but Gramsci (1971) was also careful to

note how such a change in power can occur through education and cultural awareness. To

subvert a more entrenched and legitimate government, the best strategy would be a passive

revolution, or “war of position.” This involves a slow and protracted struggle by political and

cultural agents – that operate in civil society – for the minds and support of the subaltern

population by implementing a number of different cultural processes (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 108-

243).

A hegemonic organization of intellectuals configures an acceptable culture that invites

the least resistance to the practices and ideas of a government. Thus, they create a cultural norm

that promotes conformity to the policies and beliefs of the government, thereby discouraging

dissent. However, when subaltern populations perceive alternatives to the cultural norm as

determined by those in power, a counter-hegemonic organization may gradually emerge to

marshal that population’s energies as a revolutionary force against the hegemony of elite

members and their culture (Forgacs, 1988; Holub, 1992). Culture constitutes a form of truth

about the world rooted in language and is diffused through institutions and media (Gramsci,

1971, pp. 325–349). Culture may be the product of various media and art forms that could serve

as hegemonic instruments to direct the beliefs and actions of subaltern categories (Forgacs, 1988;

Forgacs & Smith,1985, p. 122; Holub, 1992). Thus, the subaltern groups change their

perceptions of the norms of social and political relations to enable them to resist the existing

formation. In this view, Holub (1992) emphasizes that Gramsci’s cultural writings highlight the

dialectical relationship between hegemonic structures that maintain and diffuse the power of

bourgeois, hegemonic culture versus the aspirations of the emergent culture of the working class.

The concept of counter-hegemony invites an empirical inquisition of how UPS labor

confronted and challenged their employer as the dispute unfolded. The ultimate victory of the

Teamsters Union in this regard calls for an in-depth look of their counter-hegemonic strategies

that secured some successes in the dispute. First, I will examine how the Teamsters employed

memes as a potent digital online tool to construct a conscious online, which later turned into an

offline, discourse of dissent. By discourse of dissent, I will be specifically looking for rhetorical

techniques that indicate or represent an expression of contradictory labor opinion(s) on UPS’

practices, policies and operations (Kassing, 1998). These argumentative rhetorical instances may

constitute labor contentions with UPS (Hicks,1999), and labor intention to expose/highlight UPS

wrongdoings (Kassing, 2011). They may also reveal labor’s dissatisfaction with current

conditions, advocacy for an opposing position and voice for open protest (Graham, 1986;

Hegstrom, 1995; Redding, 1985; Stewart, 1980; Westin, 1986). Given the multifaceted nature

and depth of labor dissent within organizations, the above stated rhetorical instances will be

crucial in narrowing down discursive dissent pertinent to the study’s objective.

Subsequent examination will include how dissenting memetic engagement on social

media may have been instrumental for the UPS labor contingent in creating and propagating

counter-PR strategies, narratives, and frames that leveraged the media to establish an alternative

cultural worldview coherent with their identity as abused and disgruntled UPS employees.

Drawing on hegemony as a conceptual framework, the study seeks to understand how digital

memes are employed to articulate contestations between labor and management. Through a

detailed rhetorical analysis of the visual and textual elements of the memes, this study will shed

light on the ways in which memes contribute to larger public discussions about labor issues that

also serve as a creative practice for workers to engage with and confront management.

Further, I will expatiate how UPS Teamsters articulated “good sense” within the

discourses of memes as opposed to common sense – a critical and conscious perspective on the

dispute as it unfolded. Finally, I will demonstrate how labor may have advocated and articulated

strategies to initiate a “war of position” through adept organization and coalition-building with

allied labor unions and other groups sharing similar grievances. I will expound on how this

unified support facilitated widespread public backing and spurred a series of impactful online

and offline protests. Additionally, I will explore how the culmination of this movement resulted

in a successful authorization to strike, leading to subsequent fruitful negotiations that achieved

the Teamsters’ objectives.

The concept of hegemony has been employed in analyzing resistance by subaltern

populations to political domination in different contemporary notions (Brow, 1988; Gill, 1993;

Kaplan & Kelly,1994; Lagos,1993; Linger, 1993; Woost,1993). Fiske (1986, 1989, 1994)

emphasizes the polysemy of media texts and argues that all messages are open to alternative,

oppositional readings that potentially might subvert a dominant ideology. He argues that critics

must “identify the semiotic excesses of the text, those potential meanings that escape the control

of the dominant culture. This will enable us to identify where and how members of subordinate

subcultures can use these semiotic opportunities to generate meaning for them, ... meanings that

serve their interests, and not those of cultural domination” (Fiske, 1986, p. 405).

Organizational scholars have increasingly studied resistance, following works by

Foucault, de Certeau, and Deleuze and Guattari. They examine the discursive practices of

organizations as they create spaces of resistance to subvert the dominant social order. Examples

include office folklore, which critiques patriarchy, hierarchy, and controlling practices. Office

graffiti, such as “I have PMS and a handgun,” counterpoint the rhythms of work in an industrial

society. Creative resistance often occurs “off-stage” and beyond direct surveillance of those in

power (Fiske, 1986, 1989, 1994; Mumby, 1997).

Critical Rhetoric: Critique of Domination and Critique of Freedom

Zompetti (1997) proposes that critical rhetoric examines the significant construction and

meaning within power structures. He asserts that an enriched deployment of Gramsci’s notion of

hegemony offers critics a better grasp of the nature of power relations and hegemonic practices.

Gramsci’s critique of hegemony emphasizes how language is instrumental in articulating and

uprooting dominant ideologies, as well as maintaining and perpetuating them (Zompetti, 2012).

Critical rhetoric “seeks to unmask or demystify the discourse of power,” by focusing on

meanings in social discourse, which encompasses a critique of domination and a critique of

freedom (McKerrow, 1991, p. 91). A critique of domination examines how power structures

operate as instruments for ideological control by those in power (McKerrow, 1991; Zompetti,

1997). The critique of freedom is a method for self-reflexive criticism (Zompetti, 1997) that

offers “prospects of permanent criticism which promotes a realignment in the forces of power

that construct social relations” (McKerrow, 1991, p. 91). While “a ‘critique of domination’

implies freedom from powers of oppression; a ‘critique of freedom’ implies freedom to pursue

other power relations” (McKerrow, 1991, p. 75). Thus, domination and freedom can be

considered a unified concept that combines to form a process whereby power can be viewed as

oppressive and liberatory (Ono & Sloop, 1995).

McKerrow (1991) argues that Gramsci presents hegemony as power that operates

discursively that is formed by cultural presentations, including rhetoric. His analysis of

hegemonic formations can be used to “demystify the conditions of domination” that the critique

attempts to reveal (McKerrow, 1989, p. 91). Further, Gramsci’s introduction of the organic

intellectual as a self-reflexive critic suggests a theoretical prescription for the element of freedom

in the critique. Hence, Gramsci’s theories illustrate how the critiques of freedom and domination

intersect in very pivotal ways (Zompetti, 1997).

Gramsci’s theoretical notions of hegemony allow a rhetorical critique of power structures

and relations while also encouraging continued criticism within the discourse. Realizing how

such cultural presentations are articulated and used within a discourse can help expose existing

power structures and, most importantly, they can reveal how hegemonic culture is maintained

through the relegation of subaltern members to conceptions of common sense – commonly held

and unquestioned attitudes and beliefs that inform our decisions and behaviors (Zompetti, 2012,

1997).

By applying these Gramscian principles to rhetoric that aims to demystify existing power

structures, a critic can incorporate the critique of domination and freedom as a sustained,

coherent form of criticism. For example, a critic analyzing the rhetoric of an oppressed

community can examine the relationship between the hegemony and subaltern (i.e., how power

operates on and against the marginalized). This critique uncovers power disparities and permits

the location of a political space for resistance. Gramscian analysis provides a chance for a

sustained and insightful critique. To transform this into critical rhetoric, it is merely necessary to

acknowledge the element of contingency, as recognized by Zompetti (1997).

A rhetorical critique should provide telos – a goal or purpose that inspires a form of

rhetoric that encourages new alternatives of thought, perspectives, and avenues for

transformative action. Telos is a combination of language forms, undergirded by a resistance

philosophy, in the pursuit of persuading multiple subaltern groups into the formation of a

collective will. Gramscian principles of organic intellectuals, the war of position, and collective

will suggest a progressive call to action through critical theory that orchestrates a subtle yet

impactful upheaval in the discourse, both linguistically and through action, in order to re-

articulate common sense into good sense. In practice, the re-articulation of common sense into

good sense involves challenging dominant ideas and practices and proposing alternative ways of

thinking and acting that are grounded in the experiences and needs of the people. This can take

many forms, including arts, literature, music, activism and/or political organizing. This

readjustment of language, power, and practice can empower organic intellectuals to influence the

larger subaltern group to form a meaningful and challenging collective will. Finally, the critical

telos becomes sutured as new conceptualizations occur during the inclusive formation of the war

of position that is comprised by progressive elements (Zompetti, 1997).

Memes as Texts for Analysis

Central to this study will be the rhetorical analysis of sampled memes, highlighting their

powerful means of expression of dissent and resistance. Mina (2019) defines a meme as a “unit

of a culture, a piece of online media that is shared and remixed over time within a community”

(p. 6). Memes constitute units of participatory culture or pieces of online media shared within an

online community (Mina, 2019). They are consciously created and circulated (Shifman, 2013) to

express the rhetor’s point of view or argument (Donavan et al., 2022). Much of the appeal of

using memes stems from their intertextual character, which involves juxtaposing and remixing

imagery from dominant media structures – in other words, it produces a set of fragmented

rhetorical texts that are infused together to produce a collage of unified meaning – so that a new

and challenging good sense is produced that confronts the cultural dynamics of status quo

common sense.

Memes may take the forms of funny quotes, silly captioned pictures, riffs on popular

culture, and viral videos, that are created and shared among online communities to provide

platforms for users to be creative and open-minded or depraved and offensive (Chen, 2012).

Kilpinen (2008) asserts that memes are replicable forms of signs that are any objects, actions,

texts, or symbols employed to create an intended mental representation or meaning. Memes bear

numerous parallels with the concept of frames (Bateson, 1972; Goffman, 1974; Lakoff, 2004)

and can be understood broadly as analytical frames of reference and emphasis (Goffman, 1974;

Scheufele, 2004). These frames focus attention through the punctuation or specification of what

is, or is not, relevant (Snow, 2004). Frames, therefore, may refer to the lens of the perceiver

(Shifman, 2013) or “to the process by which people develop a particular conceptualization of an

issue or reorient their thinking about an issue” (Chong & Druckman, 2007b, p. 104). Frames

reflect complex interrelations among symbols and memes, such that symbols and memes interact

within frames to shape language, communication, and perceptions of reality (Kwan, 2009).

Memes take the forms of images, image macros, texts, videos, physical memes,

performative memes, and selfie memes (Mina, 2019). Image memes are primarily photos or

images. When text is added to images, they become image macro-memes. In this type, the

specific backdrop image remains relatively stable throughout the meme; it is the text script that

users change frequently. This text script is most created using an all-capital block font called

“Impact,” which is now intimately connected with memes (Brideau & Berret, 2014). Textual

memes embody only texts and may include hashtags, slogans, and popular phrases. Video

memes may come in the form of GIFs. Physical memes transcend digital space into physical

objects like stickers and T-shirts that are commercialized in online markets. Performative memes

manifest as trendy acts, gestures, or behaviors performed by users online to embody the message

of the meme. Finally, selfie memes are performative memes of posting self-taken photos/selfies

(Mina, 2019). Most studies argue that memes carry elements of humor (Miltner, 2011). Humor is

employed for different effects: To lighten tough conversations, to mock or ridicule injustices, or

to draw attention to pressing issues (Mina, 2019), offering higher levels of gratification than

simple laughs, with implications for identity formation, public discourse, and critique through

collaborative action (Miltner, 2011).

Given that most of the memes circulated online during the 2023 UPS quandary were

primarily image macro memes, it is very likely that these two forms of memes will be considered

for analysis. However, the focus on the forms of memes is as minimal as it gets, since in this

study, I focus more on the discourse or meanings in the memes which may be conveyed textually

or by image, or through a combination of the two. Given that labor memes are the most pertinent

to this study, I will focus on memes that directly relate to the recent dispute and reflect dissent, as

determined by the theoretical parameters of what constitute dissent defined earlier. These

samples are likely to reference the dispute and must have been posted under UPS online

pages/threads, which were specifically created around the timelines of the dispute. The last

determinant will be the memes that garnered the most commentary. Memes with high volumes of

comment will likely reflect the most relevant discussions surrounding the dispute. For instance,

there is a probability that memes articulating labor’s feelings about the contract renegotiation

will most likely have lengthy commentary discussions following them, given that the negotiation

is one of the pivotal points during the dispute.

Memes as Visual Arguments

The argument as to whether memes constitute rhetoric has been mentioned in most

studies on memes, with the debate frequently centered on whether these texts can function as

arguments (e.g., Blair, 2004). Huntington (2016) contends that because memes can be viewed as

a participatory practice which produces texts, memes can be analyzed as rhetoric. For instance,

Blakesley’s (2004) criteria for defining film rhetoric provide a strong basis for the argument that

memes create a rhetorical act in which interactions between the creator, the meme and meme

iteration, and the observer combine to generate the complete process of meaning making. A

meme’s rhetoric also incorporates the contexts of events to which the meme responds. These

associations provide memes with their rhetorical power. For a rhetorical critic, a meme is an

assemblage of these elements (Huntington, 2016).

Understanding the visual rhetoric of a meme requires the consideration of many factors,

such as the relationships between the sender, message, context, and receiver. Memes are like

editorial cartoons in their image-based nature, and the persuasive or argumentative qualities of

editorial cartoons have been extensively studied and supported (Abraham, 2009). These visual

arguments possess a particular rhetorical power by engaging the viewer in completing visual

enthymemes (Blair, 2004). An enthymeme, as outlined by Aristotle, presents some key points of

an argument without explicitly stating the other parts. As a result, the viewer must complete the

argument themselves, thereby creating “a self-convincing audience” (Kjeldsen, 2000, p. 321).

Additionally, the process of remixing visual arguments is also crucial to the rhetorical or

persuasive nature of memes. The meme’s argument is formed by the juxtaposition of text and

image, or multiple images, and the associations between them (Huntington, 2016). As D’Angelo

(2009) highlights, juxtaposition or intertextuality involves practices such as adaptation, retro or

recycling, appropriation, parody, pastiche, and simulation, which are all central to the ethos of

memes (Milner, 2012; Shifman, 2014). For this reason, intertextuality and visual enthymemes

are crucial components of memes’ rhetorical power and should be considered in rhetorical

analyses of memes (Huntington, 2016). Kjeldsen (2000) emphasizes that a critic must also

consider the broader context in which a meme was crafted and identify the persuasive elements

in the visual rhetoric to reconstruct its argumentative claims in order to gain a deeper insight of

its persuasive nature. Huntington (2016) asserts that by placing memes within their respective

contexts and examining their arguments and rhetorical devices, the critic can draw insightful

conclusions about visual rhetoric in social movements.

In the present study, cited memes will be analyzed for their specific arguments. The

argumentation process will encompass the deconstruction of each meme into the three parts of an

argument using the Toulmin model. Toulmin (2003) argues that an argument consists of three

core parts: claim, data, and warrant. The claim is the main point or assertion being made, data

provide the evidence or support for the claim, and the warrant connects the claim by showing

how the evidence supports the claim, or conclusion. This structural argumentation process will

help in deciphering the persuasive rhetoric of each meme and will emphasize the crucial aspects

that constitute the argument of the cited memes. Furthermore, the central arguments presented in

cited memes will be organized thematically to emphasize the significant issues they reflect. In

rhetorical criticism, thematic analysis can be instrumental in discovering specific techniques or

strategies within a text by providing a means to “capture emerging themes” (Adams et al., 2005).

As a method, thematic analysis mandates that we “identify the content” of the discourse, “reduce

redundancy,” and group related and pertinent discourse “into representative categories that

articulate or describe a specific social phenomenon” (Aguinaldo, 2012). Therefore, the objective

of thematic analytical approach in the argumentation section is to summarize the main themes

emerging from the cited memes.

Memes as Satirical Tropes

Some memes, especially activist or political memes, are often satirical in nature. To

rhetorically critique political memes for their satirical effects, a critic must emphasize their

satirical elements. Satirical critique as a rhetorical strategy seeks to wittily provoke an emotional

and intellectual reaction in an audience on a matter of public significance (Phiddian, 2013).

Satire provokes thought, challenges established ideas, and brings attention to societal issues that

may be overlooked or ignored (Phiddian, 2013). As a rhetorical method, satirical criticism

investigates irony, humor, and ridicule to expose and criticize flaws. Schutz (1958)

conceptualizes this form of criticism as a “species of parody, burlesque, caricature… on some

low theme of sportive humor, which exposes only what is absurd, awkward and ridiculous...in

style, manner, taste and sentiment” of a writer (pp. 85-86).

Nwezeh (1982) and Phiddian (2013) highlight several satirical tools: irony, paradox,

antithesis, parody, caricature, colloquialism, anti-climax, topicality, obscenity, vividness, verbal

ambiguity, allegory, and exaggeration. These tools are often employed to resist oppression,

apportion blame, and caricature issues of public concern (Phiddian, 2013). Exaggeration and

parody are often employed to highlight the absurdity or hypocrisy of a particular viewpoint or

action. By using humor and irony, a rhetor can effectively communicate complex ideas or

critiques in a way that is accessible and engaging (Phiddian, 2013).

Sampled memes will be cited and analyzed for their humor, satire, and dissenting rhetoric

that emphasize users’ resistance strategies against UPS. Kirkwood et al. (2019) emphasize that

some memes not only constitute a form of discourse, but they are also symbolic and complex

practices of contestation against dominant narratives – a digital weapon that travels across an

alternative medium to confront authority (Hristova, 2014; Machin & Mayr, 2012; Van Dijk,

2003).

Social Networks Platforms

Twitter/X, Facebook, and Reddit will be the focus of this study as these platforms are

spaces for the most active and notable online engagements (Kirkwood et al., 2019; Mina, 2019).

As such, these are most likely the social network platforms that were actively engaged in the

expression of labor dissent and resistance during the UPS contestation. Kirkwood et al. (2019)

assert that spaces like Twitter/X create avenues where humor and entertainment intersect to

subvert ideas, organizations, and individuals. Contemporary social media platforms like

Facebook and Twitter allow users to fight against corporate and organizational control using

channels that most organizations view as public relations outlets (Mina, 2019). Individuals,

including employees, use these sites as avenues to express displeasure or ridicule organizations

in the hope of creating change (Gerbaudo, 2012).

As asserted by Mina (2019), the internet essentially creates avenues for communities to

move and advocate for change on a global scale, but it has also given rise to the worldwide use

of selfies and hashtags to create a sense of physical co-presence – a shared connection among

geographically dispersed groups – that encourages transformative changes to society. Thus, the

above discussed social network platforms create avenues for social movements or political

groups to organize and push social movement discourses in the quest to define and create

change. For instance, the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement and its online backers employed

social media in various ways, with one such use being the proliferation of activist internet

memes. These memes, a specific type of rhetoric based on digital media, garnered widespread

media coverage for OWS (Huntington, 2016).

The growing breed of counter-institutional websites like Reddit provide a space outside

the control of the target organization to oppose official institutional messages, policies, and

practices (Gosset & Kilker, 2006). These websites provide a space for employees to vent their

frustrations – enabling isolated or fragmented groups of workers to connect with each other and

collectively organize. Counter-institutional websites facilitate member dissent and organizational

resistance (Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Shuster, 2022). Workers are increasingly using the internet to

connect, share information, and take collective action outside of the organization’s orbit. In an

era when workplaces are increasingly fragmented and union memberships are dropping (Nissen,

2003; U.S. Department of Labor, 2022), counter-institutional websites allow workers to connect

with people who share their occupational or organizational connections (Gosset & Kilker, 2006).

Twitter, Facebook, and Reddit independently offer unique features that can be leveraged

to identify and analyze memes within the context of labor dissent. First, I will focus on official

UPS and UPS Teamsters accounts/pages, and hashtags related to the UPS labor contestation such

as #UPSlaborcontest and #UPSstrike vote to locate memes relevant to the issue on Twitter. I will

also focus on accounts and threads dedicated to labor activism and UPS-related discussions to

target and retrieve related labor memes of dissent. Twitter’s real time nature and trendiness make

it an effective hub for discussions and meme engagements on current issues including the recent

labor dispute.

As emphasized earlier, Facebook creates avenues for movements and activists to fight

against corporate and organizational hegemony, often through the creation of dedicated pages

and threads like the UPS Teamsters page. Thus, pages and threads with a focus on labor

engagements and discussions related to the labor dispute will offer insight into the meme culture

surrounding the recent dispute. Reddit is particularly known for its diverse range of subreddits.

Thus, I will focus only on the most popular communities related to labor rights, UPS and

activism, such as r/laborrights, r/UPSers and r/UPSworkers. These subreddits dedicated to labor

activism and UPS-related discussions will be instrumental in locating memes surrounding the

recent dispute. I will also place emphasis on memes that were proactively developed and

circulated the most during major events such as rallies, authorization to strike voting, and press

releases, which took place during the contestation. These specific, timely events, which all

happened between the months of April to August of 2023, are the highlights of the dispute and,

therefore, indicate Teamsters’ most active engagements online and offline.

Analysis Procedure

This section specifically details the processes by which the analysis will be done. The

first phase of analysis will entail a precise description of the rhetorical context. I will identify and

discuss the supporting information surrounding the dispute from its beginning to the resolution

stage, highlighting UPS workers’ various activities at every stage of the dispute. The rhetorical

context is essential because by analyzing the visual rhetoric of memes within a precisely defined

context of the dispute, a critic can uncover the persuasive elements of the memes and identify the

powerful language of labor dissent (Huntington, 2016).

This will be followed by an argumentation review using Toulmin’s (2003) model.

Toulmin’s model lends a framework for extrapolating the key arguments articulated by UPS

labor within memes. This process is contingent on making the argument that the memes function

as a form of visual activist rhetoric (Blair, 2004; Huntington, 2016; Kjeldsen, 2000). Thus,

labor’s key rhetorical claims embedded within cited memes will be presented along with their

corresponding data and warrants. The claims will be presented thematically based on what these

memes can tell us about the digital activist rhetoric of the UPS labor force.

The next stage of the analysis will be a critical evaluation of labor claims and thematic

issues they reflect in the context of hegemony. Gramsci’s concept of hegemony will be essential

in this section in order to examine the power dynamics between UPS management and labor as

embedded in memes’ arguments (McKerrow, 1991; Zompetti, 1997). Specifically, I will locate

key areas by identifying discursive moments of hegemony, following these discursive

occurrences within the memes’ arguments. I will provide an interpretation of each discourse

from a critical perspective of hegemony to uncover and understand their meanings within given

conjunctural or historical moments. I will further uncover how labor memes constitute dissent

and re-articulate “good sense.” While I will be using this process to analyze and interpret the

texts, I will also allow the inclusion of other important, emerging concepts related to hegemony

that I have not originally anticipated. Should this occur, I will explore the burgeoning elements

within the same critical framework I have discussed above and discuss possible implications

toward the end of my analysis chapter. Finally, I will conduct a rhetorical analysis examining the

persuasiveness of cited memes as forms of activist labor rhetoric. I will do this by uncovering the

intricate elements of visual rhetoric including satire, incongruity, intertextuality, parody,

caricature, irony, humor, ridicule, resistance, etc.

Conclusion

In dissecting the interplay between corporate hegemony and employee resistance, this

chapter explores critical rhetoric and Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony as frameworks for

analyzing how UPS may have wielded its power to manipulate media narratives and suppress

dissent from the perspectives of labor memes. In this chapter, I also highlight the frameworks I

intend to employ to explore the potency of memes, hashtags, and online activism in constructing

dissent, framing counter-narratives, and fostering solidarity among employees.

This study, thus, aims to emphasize the unnoticed yet potent online interactions that may

have driven dissent and resistance during the recent UPS dispute. While mainstream narratives

primarily chronicle the Teamsters’ victorious battle against UPS, scant attention has been paid to

the digital dissent that substantially fortified the employees’ resistance, which may have

impacted their triumph. In this study, I will unravel the power of online dissent as a form of

employee resistance, scrutinizing the memetic engagement within the recent UPS employee

protest. My focus lies in dissecting the rhetorical nuances intertwined with hegemonic dynamics,

offering a compelling examination of the power wielded by digital dissent in labor activism.

CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS

Introduction

In this chapter, I present a rhetorical and critical analysis of sampled memes from

Twitter/X, Facebook, and Reddit. First, I provide the rhetorical context surrounding the

discordant online interactions involving UPS workers, which will subsequently facilitate a

thorough rhetorical and critical analysis. By analyzing the visual rhetoric of memes within the

context of the 2023 UPS labor/management dispute, a critic can uncover the persuasive elements

of the memes and identify the powerful language used in labor dissent (Huntington, 2016). Using

visual rhetorical frameworks endorsed by Huntington (2016) and Kjeldsen (2000), I thematically

unravel the various persuasive arguments articulated by UPS workers through their memes. I

further analyze these discursive arguments within the critical framework adopted by McKerrow

(1991) and Zompetti (1997) to unravel the relationships of power between UPS workers and

their management.

Rhetorical Context: The 2023 UPS Management/Labor Dispute

The 2023 UPS labor dispute unfolded against a backdrop of longstanding grievances and

historical precedents within U.S. labor relations. In April 2023, UPS employees, represented by

the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT), began negotiations with their employer in

demand for fair compensation and improved labor conditions, echoing similar struggles from

past disputes (Deliso, 2023; Keenan, 2023). The likelihood of a nationwide strike heightened

significantly, as an astonishing 97% of UPS Teamsters voted in favor of granting strike

authorization (Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Meyersohn, 2023).

Subsequently, the failed negotiations on July 5th resulted in escalating tensions, with nationwide

walkouts and rallies, including one held in Los Angeles on July 19th (Brown, 2023; Deliso,

2023; Ganapavaram, 2023; Schwab, 2023; Yurkevich & Isidore, 2023).

The historical context of past UPS strikes, such as the one in 1997 and the 2018 contract

negotiation under the leadership of former Teamsters President James P. Hoffa, provides

additional insight into the 2023 dispute and serves to trace the longstanding dissatisfaction of

UPS workers (Brown, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Orr & Lewis, 2023). However, the Teamsters’

enhanced negotiating power, which can be attributed to solid union cohesion, elevated the

possibility of favorable outcomes (Meyersohn, 2023). On July 25

, a tentative deal between UPS

and the IBT potentially averted a strike, culminating in the UPS Teamsters National Master

Agreement – the most significant private-sector collective bargaining agreement in North

American history (Drake, 2023; Scheiber, 2023; UPS, 2023). This agreement addressed key

demands, including wage increases, job creation, and workplace protections, reflecting the

culmination of intense negotiations and collective labor action (Deniz, 2023; Scheiber, 2023).

The looming threat of a strike against UPS, with potential of such a strike to disrupt the domestic

economy and reshape the logistics industry, marked the significance of the dispute and the stakes

involved for workers, corporations, and consumers alike (CNN Business, 2023; Keenan, 2023;

Lewis, 2023; Scheiber, 2023).

In the digital sphere, online labor activism manifested through the proliferation of

memes, hashtags like #teamsters, #unionstrong, and #unionproud across popular social network

sites, including Facebook, Twitter/X, and Reddit. Memes emerged as a contemporary analogue

to traditional forms of protest and expression of dissent, reflecting the collective frustrations and

demands of UPS workers in their struggle against management. As a form of participatory

discourse, memes played a crucial role for UPS labor in articulating tensions, fostering solidarity,

and mobilizing support within the broader context of public discourse surrounding the dispute.

Through their visual and textual elements, memes served as creative tools for workers to vent

frustrations and voice their dissent, contributing to more extensive discussions on labor rights

and worker activism.

As noted earlier, research on memes as forms of worker dissent is very minimal. Ramirez

Plascencia (2018) describes a meme as one of many protest tools employed by workers to fight

for rights and oppose inequalities within their communities. Kirkwood et al. (2019) investigate

how Twitter users utilized a hashtag meme – #JusticeforBradsWife – to protest Cracker Barrel’s

(CB) dismissal of a former employee. Additionally, Huntington (2016) presents a rhetorical

critique of Occupy Wall Street’s (OWS) popular “Pepper Spray Cop Meme” as a form of visual

political/activist rhetoric. However, literature on labor studies does not yet contain a rhetorical or

critical critique of labor memes as forms of dissent and resistance strategies. By drawing from a

rhetorical framework used by Huntington (2016) and Kjeldsen (2000) and a critical framework

adopted by McKerrow (1991) and Zompetti (1997), this study contributes to the literature on

internet memes as digital tools for labor expressions of dissent and resistance rhetoric.

Labor Rhetoric: Argumentative Claims Made by UPS Workers Via Memes

In order to support the argument that visual memes function as a form of activist rhetoric,

the rhetorical basis of the memes in question must be presented. As forms of rhetoric, these

memes present specific arguments (Blair, 2004; Huntington, 2016; Kjeldsen, 2000). For this

section, I will analyze specific argumentative claims embedded in the memes by utilizing a

process of analyzing argument by Stephen Toulmin (2003). As suggested by the sampled

memes, claims articulated by UPS Labor about the 2023 dispute are now presented along with

the corresponding data and warrants. Here, the data consist of specific visual elements from the

meme that can link the claim and warrant (Huntington, 2016; Toulmin, 2003). The claims will be

presented thematically based on what these memes can tell us about the digital activist rhetoric

of the UPS labor force.

A. Labor Claims About the Working Conditions at UPS

This section presents memes that directly relate to labor’s claims about concerns

regarding their working conditions at UPS warehouses. In Fig. 1, the claim is that working

conditions at UPS warehouses are excessively poor and unfavorable for workers. The meme

depicts a UPS worker wearing a swimsuit with the UPS logo, posing as a model. The worker

holds a package in one hand and rests the other hand on his UPS cap. The setting of a warehouse

is implied through the worker’s attire and the caption below the image stating, “It is just too hot

in the warehouse.” The warrant of the meme is that if a worker feels the need to dress

inappropriately for a warehouse environment, such as wearing a swimsuit, it must be because the

conditions inside are sweltering. These unfavorable conditions further imply that UPS

management has failed to address the heat-related issues in their warehouses. Management

expects workers to continue working unabated despite the harsh working conditions.

Fig. 2 explicitly asserts that working conditions in UPS warehouses are uncomfortable

due to the lack of air conditioning. The meme depicts the image of an old, rugged, and sweaty

version of the actor Samuel L. Jackson is depicted as a UPS driver in a warehouse, indicating the

extreme heat conditions in the warehouse setting. A customer’s question, “Y’all have an AC in

there?” is juxtaposed with the image, rendering the image as a response to the inquiry. The

corresponding warrant is that if Samuel L. Jackson, a well-known and respected actor and a UPS

driver, is distressed due to heat, it implies that the working conditions at the UPS warehouse are

indeed intolerable. The customer’s question suggests that the lack of air conditioning is a

widespread concern among UPS workers and well-known among customers as well. If it is a

widespread concern, it means that UPS management is fully aware of the problem but chooses to

do nothing about it.

B. Labor Claims about Unfair Wages

Memes analyzed under this theme directly reflects labor’s assertions about wage

disparity between UPS workforce and management. Fig. 3 posits that there is an unfairly

significant disparity in pay between UPS management and workers. The meme presents

juxtaposed images of UPS CEO Carol Tomé and a UPS worker, along with captions. The

caption for Carol Tomé states, “This is UPS CEO, Carol Tomé. She is paid more in just one

day….” The caption of the UPS worker states, “…than a UPS worker is paid in an entire year.”

This meme compares the daily salary of the CEO to the annual salary of a UPS worker,

illustrating the stark difference in compensation. The juxtaposition of Carol Tomé’s daily salary

with a UPS worker’s annual salary reveals an unjust and disproportionate structure of salaries

and compensation within the company. Therefore, the CEO’s exorbitant compensation comes at

the expense of fair wages for UPS workers, indicating a systemic issue of income inequality

within the company.

Fig. 4 emphasizes the claim that UPS warehouse employees face financial struggles,

particularly after the peak season ends, because they are unfairly compensated. The meme

presents an image of an elderly, disgruntled man portrayed as a UPS worker. The caption at the

top of the image states, “Warehouse employees after the peak season ends.” The comment of the

old man, presented as the caption at the bottom of the image, reads, “I am once again asking for

your financial support.” This data suggests that UPS workers experience financial difficulties,

especially after the peak season, so they must turn to others for support. The corresponding

warrant is that the portrayal of the old UPS worker pleading for financial support implies that

they are not adequately compensated for their work despite their efforts and hard work during the

peak seasons.

C. Labor Claims About Unionization

Labor’s advocacy about unionization pops up as one of the most pertinent in the memes

analyzed in this study; and as such, the memes analyzed in this section dissects labor’s various

claims about unionization. Fig. 5, generally known as the “low effort meme,” on r/USPS was

posted during contract negotiations. As a form of union propaganda, the meme claims that

unionized workers, such as UPS employees, enjoy better working conditions and benefits than

non-unionized workers. The data presented in the meme includes a visual comparison of two

brick structures. The first structure, with the UPS logo, is well-laid and intact, conveying

sturdiness and artisanry. The caption above it says, “What a fine-looking union.” The second

brick structure, with the United States Postal Service (USPS) logo, is collapsed and in disarray,

indicating poor construction and fragility. The caption below asks, “Why doesn’t mine look like

that?” The visual cues provide evidence of the contrasting outcomes between unionized and non-

unionized workers. The warrant of the meme is the juxtaposition of the well-laid UPS brickwork

with the collapsed USPS brickwork, implying that UPS workers have a stronger union – and

better working conditions – than USPS workers. The meme suggests that a unionized workforce,

represented by UPS, has the collective power to negotiate and secure favorable conditions. In

contrast, non-unionized workers, represented by USPS, lack such protections and hence are

subjected to inferior working conditions. Thus, the meme accentuates the impact of unionization

on the outcomes of the 2023 contract negotiations, where UPS workers secured better working

conditions, benefits, and job security than any other logistics employees, like their non-unionized

counterparts at USPS.

Fig. 6 shows that UPS Teamsters’ potential August 1st strike could have been the most

threatening or impactful for corporations. This claim is supported by the data presented in the

meme, which include three images of Vince McMahon

with distinct facial expressions. The first

image shows him with an unbothered look, the second with slight concern, and the third with

utmost shock. Each image is accompanied by a caption indicating the magnitude of a strike:

“12,000 Hollywood writers on strike,” “60,000 actors announce their strike,” and “340,000 UPS

Teamsters prepare to strike,” respectively. The warrant of the meme is embedded in the differing

reactions of Vince McMahon, which reflects the perceived threat level posed by each group of

striking workers. The meme suggests that corporate interests, represented by McMahon,

prioritize minimizing disruption and maintaining control, with greater concern reserved for the

other strikes, such as that of the UPS Teamsters, which was potentially avoided following the

contract negotiations in 2023.

Fig. 7 articulates the claim that despite the heavy debt burden incurred by university

graduates, their earning potential is significantly lower compared to UPS workers who benefit

from union representation and whose salaries were secured during their new contract with UPS

management. The meme depicts two groups: University graduates and UPS workers. The first

group includes one person wearing a smiley mask to hide his tears and the other person openly

crying. Captions indicate their financial struggles despite their education and career paths. The

Vincent Kennedy McMahon, born in 1945, is an American professional wrestling promoter, executive, and businessman. He is

best known as the Chairman and CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), which transformed from a regional promotion

into a global entertainment powerhouse. McMahon’s innovative approach to sports entertainment, including the creation of the

XFL, has sparked both admiration and criticism in the entertainment industry.

UPS workers, on the other hand, are depicted as confident and satisfied with their earnings, with

one mentioning a salary of $170,000, including benefits, and the other acknowledging the

benefits of unions. The warrant of the meme is that unionized UPS workers, as of the signing of

a new contract with UPS in July 2023, popularly referred to as the “170k contract,” now enjoy

higher wages and better benefits as compared to university graduates. This further implies the

effectiveness of collective bargaining and the advantages of union representation in the

workplace. The meme suggests that the bargaining success and stability of UPS workers’ welfare

and rights are attributed to their membership in the union, which negotiated on their behalf for

fair compensation and job protections in the July 2033 contract negotiations.

Fig. 8 equally asserts that union representation provides protection and support for UPS

workers in times of disciplinary action or disputes with management. The data includes visual

depictions of two scenes: One featuring a woman in an angry outburst, seemingly reprimanding

someone, and another featuring a calm white cat sitting behind a dinner table. The captions

accompanying each scene provide context for the images, with the blonde woman threatening

trouble and summoning the cat to her office while the cat asserts its refusal to proceed without its

union steward. Thus, the warrant is that union representation acts as a source of protection and

advocacy for workers, ensuring that they have support and guidance in situations of conflict or

disciplinary action with their employers. This suggests that the presence of a Teamsters Union

steward can help safeguard a UPS worker’s rights and interests in cases where they are subjected

to unfair treatment or coercion. This argument is strongly supported as the enormous support the

Teamsters Union provided for UPS workers during the dispute has been proven (About UPS,

n.d.; Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Drake, 2023; Ganapavaram, 2023; Keenan, 2023; LinkedIn,

n.d., Meyerson, 2023; NPR, 2023; Schwab, 2023; Teamsters for a Democratic Union, n.d.;

Yurkevich & Isidore, 2023), leading to their success in the newly improved working contract for

workers.

D. Labor Claims about UPS’ Role in the 2023 Dispute/Contract Negotiations

Memes analyzed under this theme previews labor’s claims about the specific roles

management played during the disputing activities like the contract negotiations. The claim of

Figure 9 is that UPS management adopted different personas and behaviors during the 2023

contract negotiation with its workers versus their regular shareholder meetings, accentuating a

perceived inconsistency or hypocrisy in their actions during these meetings. The data presents

two contrasting images of characters from the animated series, SpongeBob SquarePants

. The

first image features Squidward, portrayed as sick and injured, sitting in an open box with his

hand stretched out, holding a cup. Squidward’s distress is juxtaposed to SpongeBob’s opulence

to emphasize the power dynamics at play within the UPS management-labor relationship, as well

as the subordinate position of workers. Drawing on Gramsci’s (1997) concept of hegemony, the

meme illustrates how UPS management strategically constructs and manipulates narratives to

assert dominance and control over workers while prioritizing the interests of shareholders. By

juxtaposing Squidward’s distress with SpongeBob’s opulence, the meme suggests that UPS

attempted to neglect its workers’ needs and concerns by posing or portraying itself as a

financially unstable/struggling corporation – when it was far from it – during the negotiations.

Squidward, depicted as sick and injured, symbolizes the subordinate position of UPS, which is

portrayed as vulnerable and in need of support during contract negotiations. In contrast,

SpongeBob SquarePants is an American animated television series that follows the adventures of the title character, a cheerful

sea sponge, and his various friends in the underwater city of Bikini Bottom. The show is known for its use of expressive

utterances, deixis, and speech acts, which contribute to its distinctive communicative style and humor.

SpongeBob’s affluent appearance symbolizes the hegemonic power of UPS management, which

presents itself as prosperous and financially secure during shareholder meetings.

Furthermore, the meme reflects UPS’ use of reasoning to manipulate messages tailored to

different audiences, as outlined in the Toulmin model of argumentation (Toulmin, 2003). UPS

management employs discursive tactics to justify its actions and maintain hegemonic control

over both workers and shareholders. During contract negotiations, UPS portrays itself as

financially unstable and unable to meet workers’ demands, appealing to a sense of sympathy and

solidarity from employees. This narrative, which Kane and Newman (2009) refer to as Class-

based Anti-Union Rhetoric (CAR), serves to undermine workers’ claims for fair treatment and

just compensation by framing them as unreasonable or unrealistic in light of the company’s

apparent financial struggles. Conversely, during shareholder meetings, UPS presents a narrative

of wealth and prosperity to reassure shareholders of the company’s stability and profitability,

thus prioritizing profit maximization over worker welfare. This manipulation of discourse

reflects management’s strategic deployment of reasoning to reinforce its hegemonic position and

perpetuate unequal power relations within the organization.

Fig. 10 suggests that UPS management is hypocritical and insincere in their intentional

portrayal of an adversarial Teamsters union during the contract negotiations. The image features

actor Woody Harrelson wiping his tears with money, conveying the idea of someone feigning

distress while surrounded by wealth. The caption, “UPS telling everyone how mean the

Teamsters are,” directly links to the antagonistic image that UPS management portrays of the

Teamsters Union. The claim is supported by the juxtaposition of Woody Harrelson wiping tears

with money and the caption, suggesting that UPS management attempted to manipulate public

perception by exaggerating the severity of their conflicts with the Teamsters. The implication is

that UPS used its financial resources to portray itself as the victim and discredit the Teamsters’

bargaining position.

E. Labor Claims about their Relationship with UPS

Memes analyzed in this section fundamentally broaden our knowledge of labor’s

perceived relations with management. Fig. 11 features two individuals who function

metonymically – one as a worker, the other as management – to reveal how both entities are

valued based upon, among other things, the amount of hazard pay for which they are eligible. In

essence, the meme claims corporations like UPS prioritize symbolic gestures over tangible

support for their essential workers. The meme does this through portrayal of two contradictory

characters from the TV series, The Office

. The meme suggests that essential workers,

represented by Stanley Hudson, advocate for hazard pay rather than superficial gestures of

appreciation from corporations, symbolized by Michael Scott. The image features characters

from The Office, with Stanley Hudson representing essential employees and Michael Scott

representing corporations. The dialogue between Stanley and Michael revolves around Stanley

repeatedly insisting on “HAZARD PAY” as his desired form of recognition and compensation.

The claim is supported by the repeated exchanges between Stanley and Michael, where Stanley

consistently advocates for hazard pay despite Michael’s attempts to offer superficial forms of

recognition. This suggests that UPS workers prioritize tangible benefits such as hazard pay over

symbolic gestures, a concern that reveals the extent to which management undervalues or

trivializes its workers.

The Office is a popular American mockumentary sitcom that portrays the everyday work lives of office employees in the

Scranton, Pennsylvania branch of the fictional Dunder Mifflin Paper Company.

Similarly, fig.12 claims that although UPS workers consistently go above and beyond

their job expectations, they still feel undervalued and underappreciated by their employer. This

meme critiques the notion that hard work and dedication will automatically lead to recognition

and rewards in the workplace. The first image features a male dressed up as a clown. The second

image shows the clown attempting to wear his red wig to complete his costume. The caption,

“Next joke, please...” is on top of the meme. The additional caption below states, “Maybe if I

work really hard, stay longer than I need to, go above and beyond, and never use any of my sick

days, my workplace will notice and reward.” The claim is supported by the juxtaposition of the

clown imagery with the caption describing the individual’s efforts to earn recognition and

rewards in the workplace. Using the fallacy, reductio ad absurdum (an argument whose logic, if

carried to its conclusion, results in absurdity), the message in the meme suggests that the

conventional belief in the correlation between hard work and recognition may be flawed or

unrealistic (Novaes, 2016).

Fig.13 suggests that UPS management’s priorities are skewed, as they remain indifferent

or apathetic toward significant financial mismanagement under their control while reacting

aggressively to minor deviations from plans by their employees. The first image features

Shaquille O’Neal sleeping, with the caption, “I sleep,” symbolizing UPS management’s lack of

response or concern when significant amounts of money are wasted under their control. In the

second image, Shaquille O’Neal is wide awake with fiery eyes, captioned, “Real shit?”

symbolizing management’s intense reaction when employees deviate even slightly from

protocol. The claim is supported by the stark contrast between UPS management’s passive

response to significant financial misconduct and their aggressive reactions to minor employee

deviations from work structure. This contrast suggests a double standard in management’s

treatment of financial matters and employee performance.

F. Labor Claims about Their Triumph in the Dispute

Fig. 14 asserts that UPS workers deserve recognition and respect for their contributions to

the company, especially considering their successful negotiations in securing the most significant

private-sector collective bargaining agreement in North American history (Drake, 2023;

Scheiber, 2023; UPS, 2023). The image features the Volturi, a powerful and regal vampire coven

in the Twilight sequel

, with UPS workers, symbolizing the workers’ sense of empowerment and

pride following their successful negotiations. The meme implies that UPS workers deserve to be

recognized and treated with respect for their contributions to the company’s success.

Fig. 15 suggests that with the new pay scale secured through successful contract

negotiations, UPS drivers are elevated to a higher socioeconomic status, symbolized by their

upscale attire and accessories. It celebrates the workers’ improved financial standing and

emphasizes the positive outcomes of the negotiations. The meme features a UPS driver

delivering a package dressed in a suit and tie, wearing a UPS-branded top hat, and smiling

broadly. The caption states, “With the new pay scale, our drivers are now members of upper-

class society,” implying that the improved compensation has elevated the drivers’ financial and

cultural status. The meme is presented as a news article with the headline, “UPS updates driver

uniforms to include a top hat, monocle,” further reinforcing the idea of the drivers’ newfound

prestige and status. The claim is supported by the visual representation of the UPS driver in

upscale attire and accessories, which symbolizes their elevated socioeconomic status resulting

In the Twilight series, the Volturi are portrayed as an influential and dominant vampire group that upholds the rules of the

vampire realm with authority. They are often depicted as regal and imposing, with a strict adherence to tradition (Chaplin, 2017).

from the improved pay scale negotiated in the contract. The inclusion of the news article

headline adds a layer of credibility to the claim, framing the meme as a legitimate announcement

of the drivers’ upgraded uniforms.

Fig. 16 suggests that UPS drivers experienced a positive transformation in their well-

being, employee morale, and satisfaction after the successful conclusion of the contract

negotiations. The first image features Winnie the Pooh with a sad and pensive expression,

representing the mood of UPS drivers before the contract negotiations. The caption, “Drivers

before the contract,” contextualizes the image and suggests a sense of dissatisfaction or distress

among the drivers. In the second image, Winnie the Pooh is depicted with a happy and

comfortable expression, wearing a black suit and smiling broadly. The corresponding caption,

“Drivers after the contract,” indicates a positive change in the drivers’ mood and well-being

following the successful negotiations. The claim is supported by the juxtaposition of Winnie the

Pooh’s contrasting facial expressions, which symbolize the shift in the drivers’ emotional state

from sadness to happiness after the successful negotiations. The meme implies that the improved

master agreement from the negotiations positively impacted drivers’ morale and satisfaction.

Critical Analysis: A Critique of Freedom and Critique of Domination

In this section, I critically evaluate how the discourse of UPS labor activist rhetoric sheds

light on the power dynamics between labor and management. Labor claims made through cited

memes provide an opportunity to explore the longstanding power struggle between UPS

management and its employees within the context of the recently resolved dispute. As previously

discussed, the Gramscian concept of hegemony is essential for understanding power relations as

they relate to hegemonic structures, including those between UPS management and laborers

(Zompetti, 1997). In simple terms, this section of analysis, as McKerrow (1991) puts it, aims to

uncover the hidden power dynamics embedded in these arguments by revealing their meanings

as evidence of the existing and evolving hegemonic relations between the parties involved.

I present the two dimensions of critical analysis, the critique of domination and the

critique of freedom, as a holistic criticism that allows a critic to intricately discover the

oppressive and liberatory dimensions regarding the powerplay between UPS labor and

management. Since a critique of domination illustrates how power can be used for oppression

and since a critique of freedom expresses how power can be used for liberatory purposes,

Raymie McKerrow characterized these concepts dialectically as “two sides of the same coin”

(McKerrow, 2020, p. 931). These two components of criticism unveil the oppressive and

emancipatory practices characterizing the relationship between the two groups. Ono and Sloop

(1995) argue that examining domination and freedom as a unified concept permits us to view and

criticize power as either – or both – oppressive or liberatory. The critique of domination entails

the analysis of some arguments as discursive claims of oppression existing in the UPS

management/labor relations. For the critique of freedom, I will focus on discursive arguments

that unveil counter hegemonic practices emerging from other memes that present messages of

dissent.

Critique of Domination

A critique of domination examines power structures for emancipation and views

discourses as instruments for ideological control by those in power (McKerrow, 1991; Zompetti,

1997). While arguments central to this criticism are not inherently instruments of UPS

management control, they are discursive tools useful for unveiling management’s hegemonic or

oppressive control. To explain how hegemony unfolds, Gramsci (1971) elaborates, “The

supremacy of a social group manifests itself in two ways, as domination and as intellectual and

moral leadership. A social group dominates antagonistic groups which tend to liquidate or to

subjugate perhaps even by armed force, it leads kindred and allied group ––” (p. 57). Thus, in

terms of the operations from hegemonic entities, a social group may challenge the force and

power instilled in the discourse that is produced by and from social relations. Groups that reside

along the periphery of society – those without access to much liberatory power – are labeled

“subaltern” as a visual metaphor that depicts people who are sub-terranean; in other words, they

are the marginalized groups who cluster around their subjectivities, e.g., race, class, gender,

citizenry status, religious inclinations, level of education, etc., along the margins of society. As

such, the groups who have little or no power may seek ways to improve their status, although

such efforts are daunting, if not impossible. The hegemonic elites, on the other hand, generally

try to conjure ways of maintaining and sustaining their social position. One way hegemony

solidifies its power is by pitting one subaltern group against others in such a way that they are

focused among themselves as they jockey for acquiring whatever crumbs the elites deem

appropriate. Since the subaltern groups become fixated on the other groups in order to fight over

crumbs, the hegemony retains its social and political control because the periphery is divided

while they fight among themselves. Therefore, hegemonic groups maintain their supremacy

through coercive measures, intellectual control, or from the consent of the citizenry. These

dialectical dilemmas beg the question: if/how has UPS management, as the dominant group,

coercively or ideologically defined the employer-employee relationship with their workers?

The labor arguments provided previously in the memes (figs. 11, 12, and 13) discursively

reveal labor’s perceived relationship with UPS and, thus, provide a basis for understanding the

nature of this relationship as hegemonic. Three significant arguments are provided in this regard.

First, UPS management prioritizes symbolic gestures over genuine support for their workers.

Second, despite consistently exceeding their job expectations, UPS workers feel undervalued and

underappreciated by their employer. Third, management remains indifferent or apathetic toward

significant financial waste within their control but responds aggressively to minor deviations

from plans by their (subaltern) employees.

Based on these arguments, I argue that management subscribes to symbolic gestures,

such as recognition programs or token gestures of appreciation, to maintain authority and control

over workers. Management’s deliberate emphasis on symbolic acts while neglecting workers’

pressing needs is an intentional move to reinforce the perception that management holds power

to dictate the terms of their relationship with workers – one wherein management, by default,

dictates the beliefs, norms, and values of its workers to accept token gestures as sufficient, in

order to legitimize its authority. The second argument, just as the first, is attributed to

“intellectual and moral dominance” – where UPS attempts to control its workers’ perceptions of

their worth and contributions (Gramsci, 1971, p. 57). Despite their efforts, UPS workers are

subjected to, and may internalize, the popular notion they are inherently inferior to or less

deserving of recognition than management, given the longstanding lack of recognition, which

ultimately reinforces the power dynamics between management and workers. Gramsci

recognizes this dialectical dynamic as hegemony through moral leadership, where UPS

configures the “ethical and moral framework” – a culture, within which its employees have been

historically viewed as low working class, who do not make any significant contributions to the

company and thus do not deserve grand recognition or rewards (Gramsci, 1971). Lastly,

management’s indifference or apathy toward significant financial waste while aggressively

responding to minor deviations by their employees highlights a form of coercive hegemony.

Here, management exercises control through threats or the use of punishment for deviations from

established norms or plans. Management, in this case, determines what is acceptable and what is

not and strictly apportions punishment to those who break the rules, while these moral code does

not apply to management itself. By tolerating inefficiency under their control while enforcing

strict adherence to plans by workers, management reinforces their authority through fear and

coercion, maintaining hierarchical power relations within the organization.

Gramsci’s (1971) discussions on hegemony draw attention to the concept of materialism

as the economic basis of a dominant group’s control over the means of production that enables it

to shape the dominant ideology and maintain its social, political, and economic power (Gramsci,

1971). Materialism extends beyond simple economic determinism and, instead, encompasses the

broader social conditions and cultural expressions that impact the formation of dominant

ideologies and power dynamics. It emphasizes the importance of tangible factors, such as

resources, economic conditions, and social relations, in shaping the beliefs, values, and identities

of social groups, which in turn can challenge or maintain hegemonic control within a society

during a specific historical moment.

One key question that occurs in the context of UPS’ hegemonic labor/management

relations is how management has maintained its dominance over employees. This involves

examining the strategies that UPS has employed in various contexts over the years to ensure the

subjugation of its workers. Specifically, what tangible factors, such as resources, economic

conditions, or social relations, has management defined and produced to maintain its economic,

social, and political power? Previous arguments have shed light on how these aspects of control

are articulated and contested within the discursive space of labor memes. Furthermore, these

arguments accentuate the broader context of tangible restrictions imposed by management and

how these restrictions underpinned Teamsters’ specific contractual demands during the dispute.

Finally, these arguments may reveal how these restrictions impacted workers’ well-being, state

of work, and agency.

Arguments articulated within labor claims about working conditions and unfair wages

reveal that initially, warehouse employees are consistently subjected to deplorable working

conditions, mostly overheating at UPS warehouses. These arguments (fig. 1 and 2) indicate that

UPS management has deliberately failed to address or mitigate these issues. Secondly, some

arguments (fig. 3 and 4) alleges that there is a systemic wage disparity between UPS workers and

management at the expense of the employees who are poorly compensated for their work. As a

result, employees often are confronted with financial hardships, particularly during the peak

season.

The consistent exposure of warehouse employees to harsh working conditions reflects a

materialist aspect of hegemony. By deliberately disregarding these issues, management reveals

its grip on the material resources necessary for providing a conducive working environment for

its employees. Thus, it perpetuates a system in which employees are compelled to endure

unfavorable conditions as a prerequisite for employment. This control empowers management to

maintain authority over its employees, as they are dependent on their jobs despite the adverse

conditions. Gramsci (1971) interprets this as an example of how the ruling class (UPS

management) exploits its dominance over economic resources to assert and preserve its

hegemonic power over the working class, namely the warehouse employees.

The existence of systemic wage disparities between UPS workers and management,

which results in financial hardships for employees, further exemplifies the materialist aspect of

their hegemonic relationship. Management’s control over economic resources enables it to

dictate remuneration schemes that disproportionately favor managerial ranks at the expense of

their frontline workers. This constant exploitation of employees’ labor exacerbates their financial

precariousness, particularly during the peak seasons (Fig. 4). The unequal distribution of

economic resources thus reinforces the power imbalance between management and labor,

allowing management to maintain its hegemonic control over its employees. Gramsci (1971)

would see this as a manifestation of how economic exploitation and inequality serve to uphold

and perpetuate the dominant group’s hegemony.

Gramsci (1971) introduces “common sense” or sensus communis, as Vico (1994) puts it,

as one of the notions of hegemony. Vico stresses that sensus communis is characterized by the

making of “human choice certain with respect to needs and utilities” (p. 141) and the validation

of “judgment without reflection, shared by an entire class, an entire people, an entire nation, or

the entire human race” (p. 142). This concept implies “a common ground of truth” (Schaeffer,

1990, p. 144) – what should be considered acceptable, truthful, reasonable within a social

formation, which then forms the foundation of shared agreement that shapes beliefs, norms, and

behaviors within a group. Gramsci treats common sense as an intersubjective phenomenon that,

through the exchange of meanings, values, or practices, explains and regulates social intercourse.

In essence, common sense explains how language can act as a force for socialization,

aggregation, and social organization and how language creates a contradictory unity between an

individual’s embrace of common values and collective structural unity. In every social

formation, there is as much common sense as there are ideologies corresponding to culturally

specific worldviews.

A hegemonic organization of intellectuals, like UPS, will configure an acceptable culture

that invites the least resistance to the practices and ideas of its governance. Culture represents a

worldview that constitutes a form of truth about the world rooted in a culture’s linguistic

mediation and is diffused through institutions and media (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 325–349).

Management may create a cultural norm that promotes conformity to their policies and beliefs,

thereby discouraging dissent (Gramsci, 1971). Culture may be the product of various media and

art forms that could serve as instruments to direct the beliefs and actions of the social group or

subaltern categories (Forgacs, 1988; Forgacs & Smith,1985, p. 122; Holub, 1992). Thus, within

hegemonic relations, the ruling class, thanks to their ownership and control of most of the means

of economic and cultural production, can become potentially able to universalize their culture or

worldview, and extend it to the rest of society (Briziarelli & Karikari, 2016).

A critical inquiry in this regard pertains to how the concept of common sense has been

instrumentally beneficial to hegemonic organizations like UPS overtime and in the case of the

recent dispute. The primary goal is to unearth evidence of sensus communis or corporate

ideologies as articulated within discursive labor memes that may have privileged UPS in their

attempt to construct and project the norms or conditions that should supposedly define the

employer-employee relationship. Secondly, I argue that this discursive strategy of “dominant

truth” propaganda may reveal if/how labor argues that management weaponized media as a

framing tool to validate and push anti-union rhetoric and ideologies in their attempt to maintain

control over narratives surrounding the dispute, diminish and fragment employees’ collaborative

attempts like unionization, authorization to strike, and organized protests in the course of the

recent dispute.

Within the framework of Gramsci’s notions of sensus communis, labor’s argument about

UPS management’s prioritization of symbolic gestures over addressing employees’ tangible

needs reflects a strategic manipulation of sensus communis – a configured culture of shared

beliefs and values within the organization. By emphasizing symbolic acts, management seeks to

establish a shared realization among employees that these gestures are sufficient forms of

recognition, thereby reinforcing their authority and legitimizing the status quo. However, this

emphasis on symbolism perpetuates a disconnect between management’s gestures and the actual

material needs of employees, which maintains power differentials and suppresses demands for

substantive improvement. Discursive claims about UPS’ failure to adequately recognize

workers’ contributions align with Gramsci’s concept of sensus communis as the control of

ideological and moral systems are shaped by the UPS ruling class to shape the ethical and moral

framework within which its workers evaluate their worth and contributions (Gramsci, 1971).

Management’s prevailing manipulation of workers’ perceptions of their value and contributions

serves to reinforce power imbalances and legitimize its authority within the organization. This

manipulation of common sense notions about employees’ worth and recognition reinforces

hierarchical power relations and is intended to make it difficult for workers to challenge the

prevailing narrative and demand equitable treatment.

UPS management’s disregard for workers’ pressing needs, such as deplorable working

conditions (Figs.1and 2), stresses their control over material resources necessary for providing a

conducive and reasonable work environment. By perpetuating a system in which employees are

compelled to endure unfavorable conditions, management reinforces the commonly held belief

that such conditions are acceptable and inevitable, thereby maintaining their authority and

control over the workforce while also saving money by avoiding the cost of renovations, upkeep,

or repairs (Gramsci, 1971). This strategy of perpetuating the inevitability of poor working

conditions serves to normalize exploitation and suppress labor’s demands for change, reinforcing

management’s hegemonic control over the workplace and its culture. Furthermore, the discursive

strategy employed by UPS management as indicated in fig. 10 reflects their utilization of a

common sense strategy to shape public perception and discredit collective labor efforts.

Gramsci’s concept of common sense as “judgment without reflection, shared by an entire class,

an entire people, an entire nation, or the entire human race” (Vico, 1994) elucidates how

management utilizes media and discourse to establish a shared understanding that positions the

company as the victim of an adversarial union, UPS Teamsters, during the contract negotiations.

By framing the narrative in their favor and portraying themselves as victims, management

reinforces notions of the legitimacy of their authority and the righteousness of their actions –a

strategic attempt to undermine collective labor organizing efforts (Gramsci, 1971).

In summary, a critical analysis of domination within the context of UPS management-

labor relations reveals intricate power dynamics shaped by hegemonic control, discursive tactics,

and common sense strategies. By utilizing Gramsci’s (1971) notions of hegemony and common

sense, we can observe how UPS management strategically deploys symbolic gestures,

intellectual and moral dominance, and control over material resources to assert and maintain its

authority over employees. These discursive labor arguments pinpoint management’s

prioritization of profit over the well-being of workers, which reinforces hierarchical power

relations and suppresses dissent. Furthermore, the analysis stresses how management’s

manipulation of public perception and dissemination of dominant narratives serve to delegitimize

collective labor efforts and maintain hegemonic control. By examining the interplay of power,

discourse, and common sense, we gain insight into the mechanisms through which UPS

management coercively defines and perpetuates the employer-employee relationship, ultimately

emphasizing the need for critical interrogation and resistance against hegemonic structures of

domination within the workplace.

Critique of Freedom

The goal of a critique of freedom as a method for self-reflexive criticism is to proffer a

potential for permanent criticism and realignment of power dynamics that construct social

relations (Zompetti, 1997). Unlike a critique of domination which seeks freedom from

oppressive powers, a critique of freedom focuses on the unfettered opportunity to pursue

“alternative power relations” (McKerrow, 1991, p. 75). This is why both forms of critique can be

considered a unified, mutually reinforcing concept that encompasses both oppressive and

liberatory power dynamics (Ono & Sloop, 1995). By examining this concept, it becomes possible

to view power as both a source of oppression and a means of liberation.

Previously providing a framework for an in-depth analysis of the intricate power

dynamics existing between UPS management and its workforce, the critique of domination

offers a means for a critic to explore the mechanisms of domination at play within the specified

context and get a deeper grasp of the ongoing struggle for liberation and equality within UPS

labor- management relations. By carefully examining the ways in which language and symbols

are used to control, it becomes possible to uncover the complexities involved in the pursuit of

freedom within the realm of labor relations. As part of the tapestry of critical rhetoric, it is

essential to provide a form of rhetoric that encourages new alternatives of thought, perspectives,

and avenues for transformative action to reach the desired end – a telos. Telos represents the goal

or purpose, which could be a combination of language forms, undergirded by a resistance

philosophy, aimed at persuading various subaltern groups, such as the UPS labor force, to unite

and form a collective will. In this context, Gramscian principles of the organic intellectual, the

war of position, and collective will point toward a progressive call to action rooted in critical

theory (Zompetti, 1997).

The discursive critique of domination evidencing the colonization of the UPS labor force

within the context of the recent dispute reveals that management has positioned and entrenched

itself over time as the hegemony given its systemic strategies to dominate its employees – the

subalterns – through intellectual and ideological tactics. However, in the course of the disputing

events, the eventual victory of Teamsters UPS invites critical attention to how this triumph may

constitute labor’s successful pursuit of emancipation/freedom – a revolution undergirded by a

resistance philosophy (Zompetti, 1997). As a hegemonic entity consolidates its dominion, it

endeavors to establish a cultural milieu deemed acceptable by the subalterns that it subjugates.

This acceptability delineates a framework wherein the norms, as dictated by the hegemonic

power, are perceived as normative. However, when subaltern allies discern alternative paradigms

beyond the hegemonically-prescribed socio-cultural confines, counter-hegemonic resistance can

arise. Such perceptions of alternative agency can catalyze the emergence of counter-hegemonic

movements, marshaling subaltern energies toward a revolutionary ethos aimed at dismantling

hegemonic structures (Forgacs, 1988; Holub, 1992). The significance of this “acceptability” lies

in its pivotal function as a mechanism employed by hegemonic forces to perpetuate control over

subaltern populations, fostering a socio-cultural environment conducive to the preservation of

their dominance and interests. Realizing that the culture imposed on them are instruments

diffused through institutions and media to influence their beliefs and actions, a subaltern group

may subscribe to changing their cultural disposition to resist such culture (Forgacs, 1988;

Forgacs & Smith,1985, p. 122; Holub, 1992). This unified attempt is referred to as “counter-

hegemony” (McGuire, 2018; McSweeney, 2014; Davies, 2023). This pursuit of counter-

hegemony is driven by the desire for self-determination, empowerment, and the assertion of a

social group’s agency in shaping their realities.

Intellectuals who resist or oppose an existing hegemonic formation constitute a counter-

hegemonic formation. Gramsci never used the moniker “counter hegemony” because he viewed

the notion of hegemony as relatively value neutral. In other words, a particular hegemony might

be beneficial or detrimental, useful or problematic. Hence, while one hegemony will simply

replace another, the goal is to progress and implement an improved hegemonic apparatus over

time. To clarify how this process works, some scholars have differentiated an “oppressive

hegemony” from a more practical and useful one, which could be called a “counter hegemony”

(Davies, 2023; McGuire, 2018; McSweeney, 2014) By considering the UPS workforce as the

subaltern population in this social formation, there is the need to understand how they marshalled

labor and formed a collective force against their hegemonic employer and its dominant culture as

the dispute unfolded. The ultimate victory of the Teamsters Union in this regard calls for an in-

depth look of their counter-hegemonic strategies to secure their liberative power, which

ultimately led to their emancipation as a subaltern group.

A vital component to a new (counter) hegemony is the role of organic intellectuals –

those who work to raise the consciousness of subaltern populations regarding their exploitation

in order to inculcate an ideology around which they may establish coalitions and unify diverse

interests to challenge the corrupt practices of the existing hegemonic formation (Gramsci, 1971).

Such awareness goes beyond common sense understandings of the world and resides in a critic’s

ability to demystify, critique, and act against hegemonic systems of meaning and power

(Mumby, 1997). I argue that both UPS labor and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters

(IBT)

exemplified the roles of organic intellectuals in the UPS management/labor dispute by

actively spearheading and radicalizing the workforce in their fight for better working

terms/contracts in the dispute. First, it is crucial to acknowledge the substantive contribution of

UPS labor force, particularly those who created and proliferated dissenting and resistance

memes, including those being analyzed in this study, across social media platforms, as integral

organic intellectuals. Through concerted collaborative action, these workers engendered a

heightened collective consciousness concerning their asymmetrical power relations, thereby

catalyzing a broader mobilization aimed at challenging and disrupting the hegemonic

domination. Thus, within the dynamics of resistance against exploitative prerogatives, both the

hierarchical leadership of the IBT and the grassroots activists within the UPS labor workforce

emerge as pivotal agents, each playing distinct yet complementary roles in the cultivation and

consolidation of oppositional discourse and praxis.

The IBT, for the second time in history, successfully mobilized a disgruntled UPS

workforce, transforming them into America’s highest-paid workgroup in the logistics industry in

2023 (Brown, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Orr & Lewis, 2023). Focusing on the key aspects of the

IBT’s most impactful role in the 2023 UPS management/labor contention, the union spearheaded

negotiations with UPS to establish a new five-year collective bargaining agreement covering the

period through July 31, 2028 (About UPS, n.d.; Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Deniz, 2023; Drake,

The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) is one of the most influential labor unions in the United States, founded in

1903. With over 1.4 million members, the IBT represents diverse workers, including truck drivers, warehouse workers, airline

employees, and public service workers. Throughout its history, the IBT has fought for fair wages, safe working conditions, and

job security for its members. The union has played a crucial role in shaping labor laws and regulations, as well as negotiating

collective bargaining agreements with employers. The IBT has a strong leadership and organizational structure, with elected

officials and representatives at the local, regional, and national levels. The union is governed by a democratically elected General

Executive Board that sets policies and priorities. The IBT has been involved in significant labor disputes and strikes, such as the

UPS strike in 1997, and has advocated for social and political issues that affect its members, like healthcare reform and workers’

rights legislation (Bennett, 1984; Teamster.org, 2023).

2023; Keenan). These negotiations aimed to address major longstanding workforce demands,

some of which were articulated in the cited memes, and economic issues while working toward

mutually beneficial terms for both parties. The IBT, which represented 340,000 UPS workers,

announced that 86% of the votes cast were in favor of ratifying the national contract, marking a

historical approval rate for a contract at UPS (Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Deniz, 2023; Drake,

2023; Keenan). Following this, Teamsters Local 243 organized “Practice Pickets” outside UPS

facilities in locations such as Taylor and Ypsilanti, Michigan, as a show of solidarity with the

IBT’s efforts to secure a strong contract (Teamsters for a Democratic Union, n.d.; Teamsters

Local 243, n. d.). These events served to demonstrate the union’s readiness for a potential

national UPS strike.

The IBT garnered significant support from various labor and political allies during their

dispute with UPS. This backing came from Teamsters Locals 247, 299, 283, 337, and 406, along

with representatives from the Michigan State AFL-CIO, state representatives, and community

leaders who expressed their solidarity with UPS workers in their fight for fair contract terms

(Teamsters for a Democratic Union, n.d.; Teamsters Local 243, n. d.). Following the

unsuccessful initial contract negotiation with UPS, the IBT leadership instructed every local

union to gather proposals from members for the next UPS Freight contract, ensuring that the

workers’ voices and concerns were considered during the negotiation process. The IBT President

Sean O’Brien, for instance, effectively utilized social media platforms like Twitter to

communicate the union’s stance and support for members during the negotiations. Through

O’Brien’s tweets and meme posts, he emphasized the members’ rightful demands and urged the

company to prioritize the needs of Teamsters and their families (NPR, 2023). After intense

negotiations, the IBT and UPS reached a tentative agreement on selected issues, although

discussions continued to resolve other outstanding economic matters before the contract

expiration on July 31, 2023. This tentative agreement marked progress in addressing key issues

affecting UPS workers (About UPS, n.d.; Brown, 2023; LinkedIn, n.d.; NPR, 2023; Teamsters

for a Democratic Union, n.d.; Teamsters Local 243, n. d.).

As a thriving union body, the Teamsters played a crucial role in raising the consciousness

of UPS workers by educating them about their rights and the injustices they faced in the

workplace. According to a 2023 report by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), the IBT

organized regular union meetings, disseminated informative newsletters, and conducted

educational programs to empower UPS employees with knowledge about their labor rights and

the dynamics of power within the company. This proactive approach by the Teamsters aimed to

demystify the power imbalances inherent in UPS management-labor relations and to challenge

the hegemonic control exerted by management over the workforce. As Mumby (1997), suggests,

such educational initiatives by the union serve to disrupt the hegemonic narratives propagated by

management, fostering a more critical judgement among workers and empowering them to

advocate for their rights in the workplace.

By providing workers with a deeper realization of their exploitation and the broader

socio-economic forces at play, the IBT empowered them to challenge the status quo and demand

better working conditions. This is what Gramsci refers to as “war of position” – the formation of

collective will, a passive revolution or a persistent cultural and ideological pursuit in reshaping

power dynamics and promoting a transformative agenda such that the bloc of the subaltern, their

advocates, and their coalition of forces are prepared to directly interact with the hegemony when

the appropriate historical moment occurs. The IBT actively worked to unify diverse interests

within the UPS workforce and establish alliances among workers to challenge UPS

management’s exploitative practices. By fostering a sense of solidarity and collective identity

among UPS employees, the IBT helped to overcome divisions and create a united front against

their employer (Gramsci, 1971). Through initiatives such as strike authorization voting, the IBT

encouraged UPS workers to come together and assert their collective power in negotiating with

management (Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Meyersohn, 2023). This

process of alliance-building was crucial in mobilizing the UPS workforce and amplifying their

voices in the dispute.

The authorization to strike particularly illustrates the IBT’s role as organic intellectuals in

empowering UPS labor to oppose their employer. By organizing and facilitating the voting

process, the IBT provided workers with a tangible opportunity to challenge UPS management

and demand better treatment (Brown, 2023; Deliso, 2023; Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023;

Meyersohn, 2023). This act of collective action and solidarity demonstrated the power of UPS

workers to collectively resist exploitation and assert their rights in the workplace. Through the

authorization to strike, the IBT effectively galvanized UPS employees and mobilized them for

collective action against their employer, which ultimately fast-tracked their success in securing a

far more lucrative contract in the negotiations (Deniz, 2023; Scheiber, 2023).

In the quest to build a counter hegemonic formation, an intellectual group must configure

a counterculture necessitated by the need to redefine the dominant culture initially prescribed by

the hegemony they intend to overthrow. Gramsci’s (1971) contends that hegemony depends on

cultural norms, values, and beliefs to maintain its authority. These cultural components not only

legitimize the dominance of the ruling hegemon, but also shape societal attitudes and behaviors

in its favor. To confront hegemony effectively, Gramsci proposed dismantling its cultural

foundation, which involves developing and propagating a counter-culture – a collection of

alternative values, beliefs, and narratives that challenge the prevailing order. By undermining

dominant ideologies and promoting alternative worldviews, a counterculture disrupts the ruling

group’s ideological control, paving the way for oppositional consciousness and collective

resistance. Consequently, a subaltern group resist the dominant culture by the overthrow of the

current hegemony and the creation of a new order based on their own values and experiences.

This process entails challenging and dismantling the prevailing dominant ideology that governs

social relations.

Gramsci’s concept of counter-hegemony emphasizes the importance of a powerful and

multifaceted resistance that not only confronts but also debunks the entrenched cultural norms

(Molden, 2015). The subaltern’s ability to harness their emotional and affective capabilities is

critical in devising effective counter-hegemonic strategies (Zembylas, 2013). Furthermore, the

subaltern’s struggle is not merely a theoretical construct but a lived experience that spans various

realms of power, culture, and social contestation (Moore, 1998). By engaging in a war of

position, the subaltern group can challenge the dominant ideology, critique hegemonic ideas, and

promote their own ideologies to subvert the existing power structures (Meek, 2015). This process

involves ongoing resistance that thwarts new attempts at hegemonic consolidation and

hierarchization of knowledge (Meek, 2015). This sort of sustained cultural pushback underscores

the importance of generating and maintaining a war of position. Ultimately, the subaltern’s

journey from subordination to hegemony necessitates persistent and multifaceted resistance that

transforms social relations and challenges established power dynamics. So, what act of resistance

was instrumental for UPS labor as an emerging counter-hegemonic force in the dispute?

Labor’s most powerful resistance strategies, not limited to but central to this discussion,

was their tactful deployment of social media platforms to build a conscious online discourse of

memetic dissent. Beyond other forms of dissenting strategies including protests, minor strikes

and the authorization vote to strike, memes served as a highly participatory mode of dissent for

labor in articulating tensions, fostering solidarity, and mobilizing support – a resistance

movement formation. The cited memes (Figs. 1-16), which were some of the most engaged

during the dispute, serve as a formidable means of subaltern resistance against the dominant

culture propagated by UPS management. Labor memes did not emerge in isolation but were

rather the culmination of a broader cultural movement aimed at challenging hegemonic control.

Labor activists and organic intellectuals engaged in a deliberate process of cultural critique and

reconstruction, articulating a new philosophy that were intended to counter the narratives

propagated by UPS management. This cultural shift laid the groundwork for the emergence and

effectiveness of resistance memes as tools for dissent and mobilization. By articulating values

such as solidarity, equity, and worker empowerment, labor activists provided a coherent

framework for resistance efforts, fostering a heightened consciousness among subaltern

populations. This new cultural ethos not only challenged the legitimacy of UPS management’s

power but also provided a rallying point for collective action.

These digital tools also constitute an online discourse of dissent; and, as most scholars of

dissent emphasize, they articulate labor’s oppositions and disagreements to UPS practices,

policies, and operations (Kassing, 1998). The memes also challenge the narratives imposed by

management (Kassing, 1998) and reveal other areas of contention between labor and

management (Hicks, 1999). They further reveal labor’s intention to expose UPS wrongdoings

and apportion blame (Kassing, 2011). Finally, these memes also highlight labor’s dissatisfaction

with current conditions, advocacy for an opposing position and voice for open protests (Graham,

1986; Hegstrom, 1995; Redding, 1985; Stewart, 1980; Westin, 1986).

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Firstly, the memes emphasize labor’s contention with UPS by exposing and critiquing its

policies and actions. For example, memes depicting poor working conditions at UPS warehouses

and the significant pay disparity between workers and management (Figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4) shed

light on UPS’ exploitative practices (Hicks, 1999). By juxtaposing images and captions, these

memes reveal the discrepancy between UPS’ public image and the reality faced by its

employees, thus challenging the dominant discourse promoted by management. Moreover, they

serve as a tool for labor to expose UPS’ wrongdoings and hold the company accountable for its

actions. Through satirical images and witty captions (Figs. 9 and 10), labor criticizes UPS’

hypocrisy and insincerity, particularly in its portrayal of an adversarial relationship with the

Teamsters union during contract negotiations (Kassing, 2011). By spotlighting instances of

corporate greed and manipulation (Figs. 3 and 4), these memes aim to delegitimize UPS’

authority and provoke public outrage, thereby amplifying the voices of workers in their struggle

for justice. Additionally, the memes reflect labor’s dissatisfaction with current conditions and

advocate for an opposing position through open protest (Figs. 5,6,7,8). By mobilizing memes and

popular hashtags such as #teamsters, #unionstrong, and #unionproud, on Facebook, Twitter/X

and Reddit pages, UPS workers harness these social media pages and memes to organize and

galvanize support for their cause (Graham, 1986; Hegstrom, 1995).

Labor memes function as a form of cultural resistance, tapping into the collective

consciousness of workers and mobilizing them around shared grievances. With popular hashtags

and widespread dissemination on social media platforms, the memes create a sense of solidarity

among UPS employees, fostering a collective identity and a genuine sense of empowerment

(Redding, 1985). By providing a platform for workers to express their frustrations and connect

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with others who share similar experiences, the memes facilitate the formation of a cohesive

oppositional culture that challenges the hegemonic dominance of UPS management.

Additionally, the memes serve as a tool for strategic resistance, enabling workers to

strategically deploy their critique to achieve specific goals. By highlighting instances of

corporate misconduct and exposing the injustices faced by workers, the memes apply pressure on

UPS management to address labor concerns and negotiate in good faith (Stewart, 1980). This

pressure stems from the memes’ capacity to amplify the voices and grievances of workers online.

By being widely distributed and visible on social media, these memes draw attention to corporate

misconduct and injustices, thereby increasing public scrutiny and reputational risks for the UPS

management. This heightened exposure creates a sense of responsibility and urgency for

management to address labor concerns and engage in productive negotiations to prevent

additional damage to their image and reputation. Consequently, the memes act as a catalyst for

encouraging UPS management toward more equitable and effective bargaining processes.

Furthermore, by generating public awareness and garnering media attention, the memes amplify

the voices of workers and force management to reckon with the legitimacy of their demands

(Westin, 1986). In this way, the memes function as a potent form of protest that transcends

traditional boundaries and empowers workers to challenge the hegemonic status quo.

In the pursuit of labor power, the transition from “common sense” to “good sense” is

pivotal in challenging established norms and power structures. This shift entails moving away

from the conventional beliefs management perpetuates toward a more critical and empowering

viewpoint. Zompetti (1997) asserts that the organic intellectual’s re-articulation of common

sense into good sense provides the unconscious disturbance in the discourse both linguistically

and through action – a deliberate effort to challenge dominant ideas and practices and propose

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alternative ways of thinking and acting that are grounded on the experiences and needs of the

subaltern population. This can take many forms, including arts, literature, music, activism and/or

political organizing. In addition to this is the readjustment of language, power, and practice as

the organic intellectual influences the subaltern to form a rearticulated collective will.

UPS labor memes, as pinpointed in this study, serve as a powerful tool for labor’s

rearticulation of “common sense” into “good sense.” These memes embody a critical and

empowering perspective that challenges the established norms and power structures within UPS,

marking a departure from the conventional beliefs propagated by management. By foregrounding

the specific grievances faced by UPS workers, such as safety hazards in the workplace, these

memes confront prevailing narratives that prioritize productivity over worker well-being, urging

a re-evaluation of workplace norms regarding acceptable working conditions (Dandekar et al.,

2012). Moreover, the depiction of disparities in pay between management and frontline workers

in the meme challenges entrenched beliefs in the meritocratic nature of capitalist economies,

prompting a reassessment of dominant ideologies surrounding fairness and equity in labor

relations (Chen & Lu, 2005). The memes also interrogate dominant narratives that attribute

financial struggles faced by UPS workers to individual failings rather than systemic injustices,

redirecting attention to the structural factors perpetuating economic inequality and advocating for

systemic changes to address underlying inequities (Keil & Kreinin, 2022). This strategic

reframing of common sense to good sense not only situates the discourse within broader

discussions of labor rights and workplace justice but also facilitates the articulation of counter-

cultural principles essential for confronting hegemony. By shifting the narrative from commonly

accepted norms to a critical judgement rooted in the experiences and needs of UPS workers, the

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transition to “good sense” empowers the memes to challenge prevailing ideologies and promote

a more equitable and just work environment.

Arguments in support of union representation challenges perceived corporate ideologies

that vilify collective bargaining and organized labor. By illustrating the tangible benefits

achieved through collective action, such as improved wages and working conditions, the meme

disrupts common sense assumptions about the efficacy of individual negotiation and merit-based

rewards. This reframing emphasizes the historical role of unions in advancing workers’ rights

and emphasizes the importance of solidarity in challenging entrenched power structures. These

arguments also challenge common sense assumptions about the inherent antagonism between

labor and management. Instead, they emphasize the collaborative potential of labor-management

partnerships in fostering workplace stability and equitable outcomes. On the other hand, these

arguments interrogate prevailing narratives that frame management as benevolent guardians of

worker interests. By exposing instances when union representation has provided essential

support and recourse for workers facing disciplinary action or disputes, the meme (e.g., fig. 10)

challenges common sense perceptions of managerial benevolence and corporate paternalism.

This critique indicates the importance of organized labor in safeguarding workers’ rights and

ensuring accountability within workplace hierarchies.

Arguments spotlighting management’s inconsistency, hypocrisy and insincerity during

negotiations challenge prevailing narratives that portray corporate actors such as UPS as rational

and consistent in their decision-making. Perceptions of consistency and rational action often

improve the credibility of an actor, including possibly making them appear more trustworthy as

well. By highlighting discrepancies between management’s rhetoric and actions during the 2023

contract negotiations, the memes disrupt common sense notions of corporate transparency and

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accountability, underscoring the need for skepticism and critical scrutiny of corporate messaging,

particularly in contexts where divergent interests are at play. Arguments also interrogate

dominant narratives that depict corporate actors as trustworthy and reliable partners in labor

relations. By exposing manipulative tactics employed by UPS management to undermine

workers’ interests, the meme (fig. 10) challenges common sense assumptions about the ethics of

corporate behavior and brings to light the asymmetrical power dynamics inherent in the 2023

UPS labor negotiations, emphasizing the importance of defending labor rights and interests.

Labor’s assertion about UPS prioritizes symbolic gestures over tangible support for

workers opposes the dominant narratives that may valorize management philanthropy and

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives. By highlighting how UPS privileges optics

over substantive action, the meme (fig. 11) interrogates common sense perceptions of corporate

altruism and benevolence and summons the need for corporate accountability and genuine

investment in workers’ well-being, rather than superficial gestures aimed at burnishing corporate

images. Asserting that UPS workers feel undervalued despite their contributions, memes

challenge the dominant narratives that equate financial compensation with intrinsic worth. By

emphasizing the importance of recognition and respect in fostering a positive work environment,

the meme disrupts common sense understandings of job satisfaction and employee motivation.

This rearticulation pinpoints the psychological and emotional dimensions of labor work and calls

for a reevaluation of societal norms surrounding labor and value. By exposing instances of

mismanagement and indifference to labor concerns, arguments about UPS management’s

skewed priorities can debunk the popular notions that depict corporate leaders as competent and

visionary stewards of organizational resources. It calls for the need for transparency and

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accountability in corporate governance, while exposing the illusion that management concerns

itself with the well-being of workers.

Labor claims about their triumph in the 2023 dispute (fig. 14, 15, & 15) counters notions

of labor powerlessness. By showcasing the tangible improvements experienced by UPS workers

following successful negotiations, the meme redefines common sense to include a belief in the

power of collective action to effect positive, social change. The assertion that workers deserve

recognition and respect challenges the notion of workers as disposable or replaceable. By

emphasizing the value of workers’ contributions to company success, the memes redefine

common sense to include a recognition of workers’ dignity and humanity. The memes’ focus on

the transformative impact of successful negotiations on workers’ economic well-being, the

memes redefine common sense to include an acknowledgment of the potential for upward

mobility through collective action and advocacy.

In all, the present investigation illuminates the considerable influence of labor memes and

arguments in disputing dominant norms and power dynamics within the UPS management-labor

relationship. By re-articulating “common sense” as “good sense,” these memes undermine

conventional narratives endorsed by management and advocate for a critical and empowering

perspective rooted in the experiences and needs of UPS workers. Through strategic reframing

and the scrutiny of corporate ideologies, labor asserts its agency, demanding acknowledgment,

respect, and equitable treatment in the workplace. The effective organization of UPS workers by

the IBT exemplifies the potency of collective action and resistance in driving favorable change.

By nurturing solidarity, raising consciousness, and championing workers’ rights, labor memes

and arguments challenge the dominant control of UPS management, paving the way for a more

just and equitable work environment. This analysis highlights the significance of ongoing

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critique and resistance in reshaping power dynamics and advancing the welfare of workers in

today’s capitalist environment.

The Rhetoric of Dissent Memes

It is undeniable that in the realm of labor disputes, memes have emerged as potent tools

of dissent, capable of drawing attention to issues of workplace injustice, rallying support for

workers’ rights, and criticizing corporate practices. This section presents a rhetorical analysis of

the cited labor memes pertinent to this study. Through examining the rhetoric of dissent memes,

I investigate how visual and textual elements are strategically utilized to articulate grievances,

foster solidarity, and mobilize action within online communities. By scrutinizing the rhetorical

strategies employed in these memes, we gain valuable insights into the rhetoric of digital

discourse that shapes public perceptions of labor struggles and advance the cause of workers’

empowerment in the digital age.

Dissenting labor memes (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2), which point to the unsafe working conditions

at UPS warehouses, effectively combine visual and textual elements to showcase the systemic

hazardous work environment to which UPS workers are subjected (Huntington, 2016). In the

first meme, the use of boy shorts – typical attire for hot weather or leisure activities – serves as a

visual metaphor for the extreme heat experienced by most warehouse employees. The meme

incorporates humor by comically presenting the UPS worker donning a swimsuit and posing as a

model. This comedic element may capture the audience’s attention and enhance the

memorability of the message. By juxtaposing the worker’s attire and pose with the UPS logo, the

meme critiques management’s deliberate negligence to address what seems to be a daunting

heat-related issue in UPS warehouses. Finally, the caption amplifies the meme’s message: The

precarity of overheating at UPS warehouses. The meme serves as a call to action by drawing

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public attention and empathy to the problem while exposing management’s vehemence in

prioritizing its worker’s well-being. Given that one of the major demands of UPS Teamsters in

the negotiation was improved working conditions for all UPS workers, especially factory

workers, this meme effectively articulates that concern in a visually powerful way (Deliso, 2023;

Drake, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Orr & Lewis, 2023).

The second meme leverages the influence of the famous actor Samuel L. Jackson to draw

attention to the same issue. This technique elicits the audience’s empathy for the UPS

worker/actor and accentuates the gravity of UPS workers’ longstanding unfavorable workplace

predicament. The portrayal of the actor as a UPS worker in a deplorable state is intended to

humanize the issue in a way that resonates with most precarious workers, potentially evoking a

stronger emotional response toward warehouse workers’ daily plight of risking their health while

being subjected to unsafe working environments. Escalas and Stern (2003) endorse the strategic

use of empathy-inducing elements like celebrity endorsement or impersonation as a powerful

means to influence audience emotions, perceptions, and responses. This aligns with the idea that

leveraging the influence of a renowned figure like Samuel L. Jackson in the meme can enhance

the audience’s emotional connection and perception of UPS workers’ unfavorable workplace

conditions. Moreover, Bagozzi and Moore (1994) discuss how emotions and empathy play a

crucial role in eliciting pro-social behaviors, indicating how content that stimulates empathy can

lead to a decision to help. Additionally, the inclusion of the captioned customer inquiry about air

conditioning authenticates the meme, suggesting that the issue is not only recognized by

workers, but also raised by customers. This amplified recognition reinforces the credibility of the

workers’ claims and indicates the urgency of addressing the problem. The visual imagery in the

representation of the actor as sweaty and worn out in a warehouse effectively conveys the

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severity of the discomfort and hardship experienced by UPS workers who endure lack of air

conditioning while working. Visual imagery or image-evoking descriptions, like memes, are

forms of representations that effectively convey concrete, perceptual data that evoke a sense of

realism and tangibility, making the issue potentially more relatable and impactful for an audience

(Green & Brock, 2000; Libby & Eibach, 2013).

Dissenting memes on labor compensation (Fig. 3 and Fig. 4) effectively highlight the

systemic wage disparity between UPS workers and management. In the first meme, the images

of Carol Tomé and a UPS worker are intentionally juxtaposed to visually reinforce the stark

contrast in their respective salaries, effectively accentuating the entrenched economic dominance

management has over its employees. The essence of juxtaposition as an intertextual resource

involves implicit comparisons between different visual elements through specific arrangements,

aligning with the deliberate side-by-side positioning of images to establish a clear contrast, in

this case, between UPS workers and management, effectively revealing wage inequality that is

strategically conditioned by management, through material control as a means to maintain, in

Gramsci’s terms, its authority over workers (Aiello, 2012). Furthermore, incorporating visual

enthymemes in digital memes entails contrasting text and images to build arguments, reinforcing

the premise that visual juxtaposition boosts the rhetorical impact of the message conveyed

(Vacca et al., 2022). By providing specific data points regarding the CEO’s daily salary in

contrast to the workers’ annual salaries, the meme can make the wage discrepancy more glaring

to the audience. The meme may also equally appeal to the audience’s sense of fairness and

justice by spotlighting the unequal distribution of wealth within the organization. This emotional

appeal, or pathos, is intended to elicit sympathy and support for UPS workers’ causes during the

dispute while generating animosity toward management’s hegemonic strategies (Gregory, 2021).

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In fig. 4, the portrayal of an old, unhappy man pleading for financial support is intended

to evoke empathy from the audience toward the economic struggles most working-class citizens

like UPS workers face, potentially making it more resonant and compelling. The meme also

employs humor by referencing the popular meme format: “I am once again asking for your

financial support,” which conveys a relatable message to the audience. Bischetti et al. (2021) and

Mina (2019) assert that humor is sometimes employed as a coping mechanism in challenging

scenarios to make situations less aversive and to engage audiences in a more memorable or

relatable way. For instance, reasoning known as the reductio ad absurdum is a fallacy, but it,

unlike other humor techniques, provides evidence in a statement that simultaneously portrays a

position as outrageous and extraordinary, which combines humor with a clever articulation that

cuts against a rival’s position (Bock, 2019). The inclusion of absurdism, or irony, in such humor

ridicules how hegemonic corporations enrich themselves while the industrious working class,

like UPS, labor remain economically exploited by these corporations (Partlow & Talarczyk,

2021).

By referencing the peak season, the meme contextualizes the issue within a specific

timeframe, referencing how UPS workers and the working class at large who experience severe

financial hardships especially during the peak seasons (Huntington, 2016). The plea for financial

support in the meme serves as a call to action, urging the audience to support UPS workers in the

fight for fair wages and improved working conditions. This call to action encourages solidarity

and collective action, mostly triggered by a shared sense of frustration among the labor force and

the audience to take a critical position on the issue and then support the workers’ cause. This

supportive role of the meme reinforces the idea that memes can be used for activism and

collective identity construction. While memes can initiate conversations, raise awareness, and

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mobilize support, they also contribute to constructing and sustaining collective identity by

engaging communities and negotiating norms. This collective identity formation can increase

support for social movements and advocacy efforts. I argue that labor memes contributed to

collective identity construction by fostering shared experiences, affirming in-group affiliation,

facilitating norm negotiation, and mobilizing collective action. When memes reference common

experiences or societal issues, just like in the case of UPS workers across the U.S., individuals

feel a sense of connection with others who share similar sentiments, which fosters a sense of

belonging and solidarity. Additionally, labor memes served as markers of belonging for groups

or communities, like the IBT, which strengthened bonds among workers. Through humor, satire,

or irony, the memes challenged dominant narratives or norms, engaging workers in a process of

norm negotiation that collectively defines or reinforces their group identities as disgruntled

workers at UPS. Besides, memes mobilize individuals around a common cause, galvanizing

collective action and reinforcing a sense of unity and purpose within the group (Gal et al., 2016;

Rentschler & Thrift, 2015).

Labor memes advocating for unionization rhetorically emphasize how unions like IBT

play a crucial role in protecting labor rights and advancing labor interests during disputes and

negotiations. In fig. 5, the use of juxtaposed brick construction as visual metaphors effectively

conveys the message of stability and quality associated with unionized workers like UPS labor

versus instability and poor quality associated with non-unionized work. While this metaphor

enhances the meme’s persuasive impact by potentially making the abstract concept of

unionization more tangible to the audience, it showcases the guaranteed security and support

unions provide workers as attested by how the Teamsters’ enormous backing for UPS workers in

past disputes, including this most recent contractual negotiations, in order to improve their state

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of work (Brown, 2023; Keenan, 2023; Orr & Lewis, 2023. Clarke and Holt (2017) posit the

understanding of identity through metaphor, emphasizing the significance of visual metaphors in

expressing complicated concepts. Furthermore, Spitzberg (2014) stresses the interpretive element

of frames and memes, arguing that memes, as communication behaviors, can effectively frame

issues using visual and linguistic elements. This is consistent with the notion that visual

metaphors in memes can frame labor opinions about unionized workers and non-unionized

workers, thereby altering audience perceptions and attitudes toward the presented scenarios. This

branding also contextualizes the message within the specific context of the two companies

involved, making it potentially more resonant with the audience. The inclusion of UPS and

USPS logos reinforces the credibility and relevance of the meme by highlighting IBT’s

unmatched labor protections that provided guarantees for UPS labor as compared to the USPS

workforce.

Additionally, the use of rhetorical questions in the captions invites a critical audience,

prompting them to reflect on the rationale behind the depicted contrast in the outcome of a

unionized worker status contrasted with a non-unionized status (Blankenship & Craig, 2006). By

framing the issue as a question or an enthymeme, the meme may invite the audience to draw

conclusions and reinforce the importance of unionization for workers’ rights and well-being.

Blair (2004) posits that the rhetorical power of visual arguments sometimes lies in their ability to

engage an audience in completing a visual enthymeme – the deliberate omission of a conclusion

of the argument that allows the audience to deduce the conclusion themselves, therefore creating

a “self-convincing audience” (Kjeldsen, 2000, p. 321). Finally, the rhetoric of the meme

implicitly encourages support for unionization efforts by attributing UPS workers’ success in the

2023 contract negotiations to their unionized efforts. By emphasizing the benefits of unionization

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and the potential consequences of its absence, the meme may motivate the audience to advocate

for stronger labor protections and collective bargaining efforts. Providing clear visual evidence

of the benefits of unionization engages the audience and strengthens the meme’s argument for

collective labor action.

In fig. 6, the projection of Vince McMahon’s distinct expressions effectively stresses the

differing levels of concern in response to each strike scenario. This visual juxtaposition enhances

the meme’s persuasive impact by contrasting the more pronounced threat with the ones less

significant to the audience (Aiello, 2012). By displaying the scope of each potential strike in

numerical terms (12,000, 160,000, and 340,000), the meme quantifies the potential impact of

each labor strike, stressing the enormous mpact of a potential UPS strike on the U.S. economy as

compared to historical analogues. The use of Vince McMahon’s facial expressions to convey

increasing levels of concern may evoke an emotional response of seriousness in the audience,

highlighting the human stakes involved in the UPS labor dispute. As previously stated, a strike

against UPS following failed negotiations could have significantly disrupted the domestic

economy and reshaped the logistics industry, underscoring the significance of the dispute and the

stakes involved for workers, corporations, and consumers alike (CNN Business, 2023; Keenan,

2023; Lewis, 2023; Scheiber, 2023). The meme outrightly criticizes corporate interests and their

prioritization of profit over workers’ rights and fair labor practices. By depicting McMahon’s

reactions as indicative of corporate attitudes toward labor disputes, the meme showcases the shift

in power from management to workers and emphasizes the importance of unionization,

collective action and solidarity among workers.

Fig. 7 effectively utilizes visual juxtaposition to contrast the emotional distress of the

university graduates with the contentment of the UPS workers. This stark contrast stresses the

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disparity in financial outcomes based on career paths and employment conditions, compelling

the audience to reflect on the implications of unionization and higher education (Aiello, 2012).

The dialogue between the UPS workers serves as a testimonial – or in Toulmin’s argumentation

terms, “data” – to the benefits of unions, providing first-hand accounts of the advantages enjoyed

by UPS workers who were part of the 2023 collective bargaining agreement. This testimonial

adds credibility to the meme’s argument and reinforces the importance of union representation in

achieving fair wages and job security. The irony of the situation, where university graduates with

higher education struggle financially while UPS workers in blue-collar professions now thrive

with the support of the Teamsters Union, challenges conventional notions of success and

spotlights the systemic issues within the current American economic system. This irony

strengthens the meme’s critique of income inequality and asserts the need for collective action to

address labor rights and fair compensation. By presenting a compelling contrast between the two

groups, the meme prompts reflection on the role of collective bargaining and education in

shaping individuals’ financial outcomes, ultimately emphasizing the importance of worker

solidarity and advocacy for fair wages and job protections (Aiello, 2012).

Fig. 8 equally employs a visual metaphor by juxtaposing the image of the blonde woman in

an angry outburst with the calm demeanor of the white cat. This contrast accentuates the

potential chaos and conflict that can arise in the absence of union representation, by positioning

the assistance of a union steward present for job and negotiating stability – a technique intended

to critically engage audience’s perceptions toward the possible outcomes (Clark & Holt, 2017;

Spitzberg, 2014). The white cat symbolizes the presence of the union steward, representing the

protection provided by union representation. By asserting its refusal to proceed without the union

steward, the meme emphasizes the significance of securing representation as well as obtaining

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advocates for the rights and interests of workers. As a form of union rhetoric, this meme also

emphasizes the tremendous support the Teamsters Union provides for its workforce, especially

by crafting memes that utilize humor by positioning the intense situation side-by-side with the

comical image of a white cat asserting its rights. This humor helps to engage the audience and

make the message more memorable while also adding a lighthearted tone to the gravity of the

issue (Mina, 2019). The meme prompts reflection on the role of unions in safeguarding workers’

rights, just as the Teamsters have unquestionably been doing for UPS workers, ultimately

emphasizing the need for collective action in the workplace.

By using familiar characters from SpongeBob, fig. 9 invites nostalgia and potentially

draws the audience’s attention. Using familiar characters from SpongeBob evokes memories and

emotions associated with the popular animated series. SpongeBob SquarePants has been a

beloved and widely recognized cultural icon for many years, particularly among younger

audiences who grew up watching the show. By featuring characters like SpongeBob and

Squidward, the meme creates a sense of familiarity and connection with the audience, as they are

likely to have fond memories of the characters and their adventures. This familiarity may capture

the audience’s attention more effectively than using unfamiliar or generic characters.

Additionally, the use of pop culture figures like SpongeBob and Squidward adds layers of

meaning to the meme. These characters are often associated with easygoing humor and

whimsical situations, making them suitable vehicles for delivering a critique of UPS

management’s behavior in a more engaging and entertaining way. Furthermore, the juxtaposition

of Squidward’s sickness and SpongeBob’s wealth serves to spotlight the stark contrast between

the workers’ struggles and the company’s purported success, enhancing the meme’s rhetorical

impact and making it more memorable and thought-provoking. Thus, the image of a pop culture

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figure is important in this context as it enhances the relatability, humor, and effectiveness of the

meme as a form of social commentary and critique. This technique is employed to expose UPS

management’s failed attempt to put on a façade of a struggling corporation that was intended to

deceive its employers and the public. The exaggerated representations of Squidward and

SpongeBob emphasize the absurdity of the situation, making the critique more memorable and

impactful. Nwezeh (1982) and Phiddian (2013) highlight several satirical tools including

exaggeration and caricature, often employed to illuminate the absurdity or hypocrisy of a

particular viewpoint or action. By using humor and irony, a rhetor can effectively communicate

complex ideas or critiques in a way that is accessible and engaging (Phiddian, 2013). By

situating the meme in the context of the recent dispute, the meme capitalizes on the heightened

attention and emotions surrounding the negotiations, potentially increasing its impact and reach

among UPS workers and others who followed the unfolding dispute. Huntington (2016) agrees

that situating political activist memes within the situational contexts surrounding the memes

amplifies their rhetorical power as they can strongly echo the audience’s emotions during a

particular historical moment.

The image of Woody Harrelson wiping tears with money is also a powerful visual

metaphor that highlights the perceived insincerity and manipulation by UPS management in fig.

10. The juxtaposition of tears and wealth potentially communicates the idea of feigned distress

and financial privilege in an effective manner. The meme was shared on the official Teamsters

page on Twitter/X and r/UPSers during the UPS Teamsters contract negotiation deal in July

2023, indicating its timely relevance and connection to the then-ongoing labor disputes. This

contextual relevance may enhance the meme’s persuasive impact by tapping into the emotions

and concerns of UPS workers and others following the negotiation (Huntington, 2016). The

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meme was created by IBT general president Sean O’Brien and posted on the TeamsterSOB page

on Twitter/X, lending credibility to the message and framing it as an official statement from the

Teamsters union leadership. As the IBT general president, O’Brien holds a position of authority

within the Teamsters union, which gives his statements and actions significant weight among

workers and the broader labor community. When a figure of such authority creates and shares a

meme related to a specific labor issue, it signals to the audience that the message is endorsed by

the union leadership and aligns with the union’s official position. This association lends

legitimacy to the meme, positioning it as an official message from the union rather than just a

post by a random member. Additionally, O’Brien’s involvement indicates the gravity of the labor

dispute and the union’s commitment to addressing workers’ concerns, further bolstering the

meme’s persuasive impact and relevance to the parties involved with the ongoing negotiations.

Reposting the message by UPS workers on Reddit further reinforces the message’s credibility

and broadens its reach within the UPS workforce and online communities.

In Fig. 11, the meme strategically employs the rhetorical device of intertextuality by

invoking characters from The Office, a widely recognized cultural touchstone. Intertextuality

leverages the audience’s existing familiarity with a specific text or cultural phenomenon to

imbue meaning and resonance. By featuring personalities such as Stanley and Michael from The

Office, the meme leverages the audience’s pre-established emotional connections and

associations with these characters, rendering the message more relatable. The juxtaposition

between Stanley’s earnest insistence on hazard pay and Michael’s dismissive responses

constitutes a form of situational irony, thereby accentuating the stark incongruity between the

genuine concerns of workers and the dismissive attitudes of management. This ironic dynamic

functions as a rhetorical strategy to reveal the absurdity inherent in UPS management’s handling

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of worker safety issues, prompting the audience to reflect critically on the disjunction between

the vital necessity of hazard pay for safeguarding workers and the trivialization of these concerns

by organizational leadership. Schutz (1958) conceptualizes this form of criticism as a “species of

parody, burlesque, caricature… on some low theme of sportive humor, which exposes only what

is absurd, awkward and ridiculous...in style, manner, taste and sentiment” of a writer (pp. 85-86).

Furthermore, the inclusion of the white dummy man in a suit serves as a symbolic representation

to vividly capture UPS’ indifference or insensitivity toward the concerns of its workers (Clarke

& Holt, 2017). This symbolic representation of UPS management introduces an additional layer

of semiotic significance to the meme. This symbolic representation operates through synecdoche,

a rhetorical trope first discussed by Aristotle (1926) in his treatise, The Art of Rhetoric, wherein a

component or attribute of something is employed to symbolize the entirety (Kovecses, 2013). In

this instance, the white dummy man metaphorically embodies the ethos and actions of UPS

management, serving as a synecdochic stand-in for their overall position and conduct toward

employee welfare. Through synecdoche, the meme efficiently encapsulates a broader critique of

UPS’s managerial ethos and its apparent neglect of worker well-being (Bischetti et al., 2021;

Partlow & Talarczyk, 2021).

The use of a clown as a visual metaphor in fig. 12 also effectively conveys the absurdity

of the situation and draws attention to the sense of futility experienced by UPS workers who feel

undervalued or overlooked despite their efforts. The caption, “Next joke, please...,” adds a layer

of humor and irony to the meme, engaging the audience and inviting them to reflect on the

disconnect between the expectation of hard work and the lack of recognition in the workplace.

Created by UPS workers on the subreddit r/UPSers during the 2023 contract negotiations, the

meme identifies with labor’s work situations, fostering a sense of community and solidarity

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around the shared experiences of feeling undervalued or overlooked in the workplace. The meme

critiques corporate culture and the unrealistic expectations placed on workers to constantly

perform at a high level without commensurate recognition or reward. By focusing on this

disconnect, the meme prompts reflection on broader labor rights issues and workplace fairness.

Using contrasting images of Shaquille O’Neal sleeping with the image of being wide

awake with fiery eyes in fig. 13 effectively accentuates the disparity in UPS management’s

reactions to different situations (Aiello, 2012; Vacca et al., 2022). This visual juxtaposition

reinforces the meme’s critique of management’s inconsistency and unfairness. The captions “I

sleep” and “Real shit?” succinctly capture the attitudes of management in each scenario, adding

clarity and emphasis to the meme’s message. The colloquial language in the captions enhances

the meme’s relatability and resonance with the audience. The meme employs humor and irony to

critique management’s behavior as ludicrous. The absurdity of management’s reactions, as

portrayed through Shaquille O’Neal’s exaggerated expressions, adds a layer of comedic effect to

the meme. Created by UPS workers on the subreddit r/UPSers, the meme echoes workers’

experiences and perceptions of management’s double standards. This shared experience fosters a

sense of community and solidarity among UPS workers, amplifying the meme’s persuasive

impact during their negotiations with UPS management (Gould 1993; Mina, 2019; Nair, 2016).

Memes that reference labor’s victory in the dispute rhetorically argue that UPS labor

emerged as an unmatched force following their success in the negotiations. In fig. 14, the use of

the Volturi as a visual metaphor; as Clarke and Holt (2017) put it, the memetic message

effectively captures and relays the sense of power, authority, and pride felt by UPS workers after

a successful bargaining session or moment with their employer. Beyond that, this win also

symbolizes their successful pursuit to disturb and restructure the workplace status quo through

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the formation of a counter hegemony, or the construction of an emancipative culture where the

working class holds the power to equally define social relations through bargaining. The regal

appearance of the Volturi reinforces the workers’ sense of accomplishment and worthiness. The

caption “Me acting my wage at the top rate” celebrates the workers’ satisfaction with their

compensation and recognition for their hard work. By linking their achievements to

compensation, the meme highlights the workers’ sense of empowerment and value within the

company. The meme reflects the workers’ triumph and sense of solidarity following the

successful negotiations. This contextual relevance enhances the meme’s persuasive impact by

tapping into the emotions and experiences of UPS workers during this significant moment in

labor history (Huntington, 2016). This positive reinforcement may strengthen the workers’ sense

of identity and solidarity, further motivating them to advocate for their rights and interests.

The image of the UPS driver in a suit, top hat, and monocle in fig. 15 communicates the

meme’s message of elevated social status. These symbols of wealth and sophistication visually

represent the drivers’ improved financial standing after their successful negotiations. Benaim

(2018) emphasizes that symbolism in memes play a crucial role in conveying complex ideas,

emotions, and cultural commentary in a concise and visually engaging manner. The symbolism

at work in Fig. 15 is rich and multi-layered, conveying nuanced messages about the UPS workers

improved social and economic standing. The image of the UPS driver adorned in a suit, top hat,

and monocle evokes traditional symbols of wealth, sophistication, and class privilege. These

visual cues are ingrained in cultural consciousness, representing the epitome of social status and

prosperity. By juxtaposing these symbols with the figure of the UPS driver, typically associated

with blue-collar work and modest means, the meme subverts traditional notions of class

hierarchy and cultural status. Instead of conforming to societal expectations of their

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socioeconomic position, UPS workers are depicted as ascending to a higher social stratum,

signifying their positional shifts following the negotiations. The meme depicts the outcome of

the contract negotiations in a positive light by celebrating UPS workers’ newfound status as

upper-class members. Memes bear numerous parallels with the concept of frames (Bateson,

1972; Goffman, 1974; Lakoff, 2004) and can be understood broadly as analytical frames of

reference and emphasis (Goffman, 1974; Scheufele, 2004). Framing in the context of this meme

involves the strategic selection and presentation of visual and textual elements to influence the

audience’s interpretation of the workers’ situation. This process entails emphasizing specific

aspects, such as the improved social status post-negotiations, while downplaying others to shape

perceptions, attitudes, and responses (Shifman, 2013). This framing reinforces the idea that the

negotiations successfully improved the workers’ lives and positioned them as beneficiaries of the

collective bargaining process. The inclusion of the news article headline is wittingly intended to

engage the audience. This humor can enhance the meme’s appeal and makes the message more

memorable (Miltner, 2011; Partlow & Talarczyk, 2021). Created by UPS workers on the

subreddit r/UPSers in view of the 2023 contract negotiations, the meme fosters a sense of

camaraderie and solidarity among the workers. By celebrating the positive outcomes of the

negotiations, the meme reflects the workers’ sense of collective identity and empowerment

(Gould, 1993; Mina, 2019; Nair, 2016). Through its celebration of the positive outcomes of the

negotiations, the meme reinforces a collective sense of achievement and progress, providing a

much-needed morale boost during a period of heightened tensions. Additionally, the meme

empowers workers by recognizing their worth and agency within the organization, encouraging

them to continue advocating for their rights and interests.

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In fig. 16, the use of contrasting facial expressions effectively communicates the meme’s

message of transformation and improvement in the drivers’ mood. By using Winnie the Pooh,

who is a familiar and relatable character, the meme appeals to the audience’s emotions of

happiness, contentment, and relief, as indicated by the smiling and relaxed facial expressions of

Winnie the Pooh. The contrast between the initial negative mood, represented by the frustrated

and stressed SpongeBob, and the subsequent positive mood portrayed by Pooh, creates a sense of

relief and improvement. The depiction of sadness followed by happiness likely elicits a shared

sense of satisfaction for the drivers’ improved situation. The use of Winnie the Pooh exemplifies

and models positive psychological traits, such as wisdom, kindness, love, integrity, fairness,

hope, humility, and modesty (Dohman, 2016). The meme reflects workers’ triumph and a sense

of relief following the successful negotiations. This contextual relevance enhances the meme’s

persuasive impact by tapping into the emotions and experiences of UPS workers during this

significant moment in their labor history. The meme frames the outcome of the contract

negotiations in a positive manner by showcasing the UPS workers’ improved mood and

contentment. This positive framing reinforces the idea that the negotiations successfully

improved the workers’ lives and positioned them as beneficiaries of the collective bargaining

process (Spitzberg, 2014).

Overall, the analysis of labor-related memes demonstrates their intricate rhetorical

strategies employed to articulate grievances, foster solidarity, and mobilize action within UPS

online communities. These memes adeptly utilize visual and textual elements to engage

audiences, evoke emotional responses, and challenge prevailing narratives surrounding labor

rights and worker empowerment. By functioning as a rhetoric of dissent, memes, as this analysis

shows, can provide a means for subaltern groups to challenge the ongoing cultural domination of

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hegemony. Leveraging intertextuality, metaphorical imagery, humor, and irony, these memes

navigate the digital landscape to deliver social commentary and critique the social relations

involving discrimination and inequalities. Moreover, by framing labor-related issues within

familiar cultural contexts, such as popular television shows or iconic characters, these memes

enhance resonance, amplifying their persuasive impact and reach. This examination accentuates

the transformative potential of digital discourse in shaping public perceptions of labor struggles

and advancing the collective cause of workers’ empowerment in the contemporary labor

disputes.

Conclusion

In examining the dynamics of domination within the UPS management-labor relationship

in this chapter, a critical analysis reveals the intricate interplay of power dynamics, discursive

strategies, and hegemonic control mechanisms. Drawing upon Gramsci’s framework of

hegemony and the concept of “common sense,” it becomes evident how UPS management

strategically employs symbolic gestures, intellectual dominance, and control over material

resources to assert and perpetuate its authority over employees. The discourse surrounding labor

issues reveals management’s prioritization of profit over worker well-being, reinforcing

hierarchical power structures and stifling dissent. Furthermore, the analysis of labor arguments

unveils their assertions of management’s manipulation of public perception and dissemination of

dominant narratives to delegitimize collective labor efforts and maintain hegemonic control. This

critical examination emphasizes the imperative of interrogating and resisting the hegemonic

structures that define the employer-employee relationship within the workplace.

Moreover, this investigation illuminates the significant role of labor memes and

arguments in challenging dominant norms and power dynamics within UPS online communities.

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By reframing “common sense” as “good sense,” these memes subvert conventional narratives

endorsed by management and advocate for a critical and empowering perspective rooted in the

experiences and demands of UPS workers. Through strategic reframing and the critique of

prevailing ideologies, labor asserts its agency, demanding recognition, respect, and equitable

treatment in the workplace, along with fostering a rhetoric of dissent against the assemblage of

power made manifest by hegemony. The effective organization of UPS workers by the IBT

exemplifies the potency of collective action and resistance in driving favorable change. By

fostering solidarity, raising consciousness, and championing workers’ rights, labor memes and

arguments disrupt the dominant control exerted by UPS management, paving the way for a more

just and equitable work environment. Ultimately, this analysis emphasizes the transformative

potential of digital discourse in reshaping public perceptions of labor struggles and advancing the

collective cause of workers’ empowerment in the contemporary digital age.

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CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION

Introduction

A retrospective meta-analysis of labor studies has revealed that the nature of labor

disputes in the U.S. has revolutionized. While there is the need for more comparative analysis of

past and present disputes, a few recent studies (Green, 2019; Juravich, 2020; Roediger, 1992;

Voss & Sherman, 2000; Zandy, 2008), including the present one, emphasize how the emergence

of unions have redefined the nature and tone of labor/management disputes over time. Labor

unions have revitalized American labor movements, crucially advancing advocacy for workers’

rights and interests and workers’ means of expression during disputes (Voss & Sherman, 2000).

An ideally notable instance, supported in this study, is how the International Brothers of

Teamsters (IBT) have continuously improved UPS labor rights and workers’ movements in the

past and recent contentions with their employer.

More pertinent to this study’s focus is labor’s evolving mode of expression of dissent

during disputes. Historically, labor unions expressed their frustrations through various means,

including opinion pieces in newspapers, slogans, logos, songs, and literature, which were

powerful tools for communicating their grievances during disputes (Juravich, 2020; Roediger,

1992; Zandy, 2008). More recently, they have embraced social media and digital tools to

articulate their grievances and advance their efforts (Green, 2019) with these emergent avenues

for expression, including the use of social network platforms, hashtags, and memes, that generate

contemporary analogues for labor unions to engage with and confront management about issues

of contestation (Green, 2019; University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2023). Drawing from current

literature, I explore in this study how digital memes, as emergent forms of dissent, provide

modern ways for labor to engage with and confront management. Social media platforms and

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memes have become powerful tools for workers to voice their grievances and mobilize support.

Just as newspapers, slogans, and songs were used in the past, digital memes serve as

contemporary forms of expression for labor-related issues, enabling workers to articulate their

frustrations with management and rally support for their cause in the digital age.

The 2023 UPS labor-management dispute is an ideal case study since I seek to unravel

the power of online dissent as a form of employee resistance. Specifically, I theorize the memetic

dissent surrounding the dispute and highlight its rhetorical and linguistic feature and relationship

to hegemony. I explore how UPS labor utilizes memes as a contemporary mode of expression to

carry on the tradition of exposing, calling out, and raising awareness about how management

engages in unfair practices. While most records on the recent UPS crisis focus on the outcome of

the Teamsters union’s fight against UPS, no attention has been given to how dissenting

interactions online may have impacted labors’ resistance and might have contributed to the

eventual triumph against UPS. Moreover, literature on labor studies does not yet contain a

rhetorical and critical critique of labor memes as forms and parts of dissent and resistance

strategies.

The dispute presents a rare opportunity to attain the goals of this study because the

dispute was a major, contentious issue that generated widespread media coverage. As such, this

significant rhetorical event presents access to primary sources of information critical to this

study’s objectives. Second, the dispute marked a substantial victory for UPS Teamsters and labor

unions after they won the strike authorization vote, eventually securing wins in their negotiation

with UPS and, thus, avoiding a potential strike (Drake, 2023; NBC News, 2023; Scheiber, 2023;

UPS, 2023). This triumph in labor history allows a scholarly inquiry into how labor unions are

evolving and securing their power to win contemporary labor challenges. Lastly, the contribution

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of social networks and digital discourse concerning labor organizing has been underexplored in

contemporary labor scholarship. The recent UPS case presents an avenue for addressing such a

gap. Overall, the findings in this study draw attention to the role of social media and online

discourses – specifically memes – in facilitating organizational phenomena like employee

dissent.

Overview of Findings

This study provides an in-depth rhetorical and critical analysis of some of the most

circulated UPS labor memes as forms of dissent and resistance strategies on Twitter/X,

Facebook, and Reddit during their contention with management. By drawing from rhetorical

frameworks used by Huntington (2016) and Kjeldsen (2000), this study sheds light on the

rhetorical nature of contemporary activist labor dissent. Through an in-depth argumentation

process endorsed by Toulmin (2003), I discover the most paramount labor issues and opinions

articulated within the sixteen memes selected for this study, including labor conditions,

remuneration, union representation, UPS management’s conduct, and the power dynamic

between labor and management. The thematic approach to discussing these arguments highlights

the most pertinent issues surrounding UPS labor concerns and grievances underpinning the

dispute. Here is a synthesized overview of the discerned thematic clusters:

• Discursive claims about Working Conditions: Related memes highlight the deplorable

working conditions endured by UPS personnel, specifically emphasizing challenges such

as oppressive heat within warehouses and the absence of adequate ventilation systems.

These arguments assert the managerial neglect or indifference toward the welfare of its

workers.

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• Discursive claims about Unequal Compensation: Memes accentuate the glaring

disparities in remuneration between UPS management and rank-and-file employees,

emphasizing the inherent inequity in wealth distribution within the organizational

hierarchy. Additionally, they illuminate the financial hardships workers face, particularly

in post-peak seasons, indicative of systemic wage inequality.

• Discourse on Advocacy for Union Representation: Memes advocate for the efficacy of

unionization in safeguarding labor rights and enhancing workplace conditions. They

juxtapose the experiences of unionized UPS workers with those of their non-unionized

counterparts, emphasizing the benefits accrued through collective bargaining and

organized representation during the recent negotiation.

• Discursive Interrogation of UPS Management’s Conduct: Memetic discourse scrutinizes

the conduct of UPS management during contract negotiations, critiquing perceived

instances of hypocrisy and manipulation. These critiques spotlight the managerial

prioritization of profit margins over worker well-being and attempts to undermine the

credibility of labor unions.

• Discursive claims about Labor-Management Relations: Memes depict workers’ sense of

alienation and disillusionment regarding their relationship with UPS management, adding

to feelings of undervaluation and exploitation despite their commitment to their work.

They also highlight inconsistencies in managerial responses to financial discrepancies

and employee performance issues.

• Discourse on the Celebration of Labor Triumph: Memes serve as celebratory vehicles

heralding successful negotiation outcomes and resultant labor conditions and

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compensation enhancements. They articulate a collective sense of power, pride and

empowerment among workers in light of their achievements in the labor dispute.

These memetic narratives constitute a form of digital activist rhetoric, enabling UPS workers to

articulate grievances, challenge existing structures, advocate for labor rights, and commemorate

triumphs within the broader discourse on worker activism and socio-economic justice.

In the complex power dynamics between UPS management and its workers, the discourse of

UPS labor activism serves as a lens through which I analyze the ongoing struggle for control and

autonomy in the workplace. Drawing on Gramscian ideas of hegemony, the analysis chapter

probes into the intricacies of power, domination, and resistance in the recent UPS dispute

resolution. At the core of this examination lies a dual critique: domination and freedom. Through

a careful analysis of the discourse, I uncover the oppressive tactics employed by UPS

management and the glimpses of liberatory potential emerging from the labor force. This

analytical framework sheds light on the nuanced negotiation of power dynamics and ideological

tensions in contemporary labor relations, offering rich ground for further scholarly investigation

into the intersections of digital culture, activism, and labor advocacy.

In the critique of domination, I unveil the strategic maneuvers employed by UPS

management to assert and maintain control over its employees. Symbolic gestures, such as

recognition programs, emerge as manipulation tools, thereby perpetuating the illusion of

appreciation while neglecting substantive support. Workers, in turn, grapple with feelings of

undervaluation and inferiority, trapped within a cycle of hierarchical power dynamics. Moreover,

management’s selective enforcement of rules and punishments for minor infractions highlights a

coercive hegemony, instilling fear and compliance among the workforces. Yet, amidst the

shadows of domination, freedom surges through the discourse. Workers boldly highlight the

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harsh realities of their working conditions and the systemic injustices perpetuated by

management through dissent memes. Their collective voice echoes the struggle against

exploitation and inequality, shedding light on the materialist underpinnings of hegemonic

control. Additionally, labor’s exposure and re-articulation of “common sense” tactics, used by

management, serve as a rallying force of resistance, challenging the dominant narratives and

reclaiming agency in the face of workplace oppression.

While management’s strategic maneuvers and discursive tactics shape the contours of the

employer-employee relationship and perpetuate hierarchies of control and marginalization,

labor’s resilience and collective action offer glimpses of hope and possibility, challenging the

status quo and demanding justice. Central to the critique of freedom is the recognition that power

can be both a source of oppression and a means for liberation. Through a dialectical analysis, I

uncover how labor’s activist and dissenting rhetoric effectively assert management’s hegemonic

control over its workforce, while this rhetoric simultaneously explores avenues for resistance and

emancipation. The discursive critique of domination lays bare the mechanisms through which

UPS management maintains its hegemonic authority. However, within this framework of

domination, cracks in the facade of control emerge, offering glimpses of resistance and potential

for transformative change. One aspect of resistance lies in the strategic mobilization and

collective action orchestrated by the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT). One of the

areas where Gramsci saw these dynamics of hegemony occurring was with the factory councils,

who at the time in Italy’s history functioned much like modern American labor unions, against

their power-yielding corporate owners (Gramsci, 1971). As organic intellectuals, the IBT plays a

pivotal role in raising workers’ consciousness, fostering solidarity, and negotiating on behalf of

the labor force. The IBT empowers UPS workers to challenge the status quo and demand better

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working conditions through initiatives such as social media campaigns and strike authorization

voting.

Beyond the IBT’s role, the critique of freedom encompasses broader dynamics of resistance

and emancipation within the UPS ecosystem. At their core, labor memes serve as a potent form

of cultural resistance, disrupting dominant narratives, exposing injustices, and mobilizing

support for labor’s cause. Through strategic reframing of “common-sense” narratives, workers

assert their agency, demand recognition, and challenge the hegemonic control of UPS

management. Moreover, the success of the IBT in securing a favorable collective bargaining

agreement spotlights the transformative potential of collective action and solidarity. By

challenging prevailing ideologies that vilify unions and promote individual negotiation, labor

asserts its collective power and reshapes labor relations discourse.

The critique of freedom offers a nuanced insight about power dynamics within the UPS

management-labor dispute. Through strategic resistance, collective mobilization, and critical

interrogation of dominant narratives, workers challenge hegemonic control and assert their

agency in shaping their destinies. The struggle for liberation within the UPS workplace reflects

broader tensions inherent in capitalist societies, showcasing the ongoing need for critical

engagement and transformative action to advance the welfare of workers and promote a more

just and equitable future.

Analyzing the rhetoric of dissent memes within the context of the UPS management-labor

dispute offers valuable insights into the persuasive strategies used to articulate grievances, foster

solidarity, and mobilize action among online communities. These memes effectively leverage

visual and textual elements to draw attention to systemic issues such as unsafe working

conditions, wage disparity, and the importance of unionization. Through rhetorical techniques

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like juxtaposition, intertextuality, humor, irony, and evocative imagery, the memes capture the

audience’s attention, evoke emotional responses, and prompt critical reflection on power

dynamics within the UPS workplace. By situating the memes within the ongoing labor dispute,

creators strategically capitalize on the heightened emotions and tensions surrounding

negotiations, thereby amplifying the memes’ rhetorical impact and resonance with UPS workers

and others invested in the outcome.

Moreover, the memes are potent tools for constructing collective identity, fostering

community and solidarity among UPS workers. By celebrating victories, critiquing management

practices, and advocating for workers’ rights, labor memes contribute to a shared narrative of

empowerment and resistance. Memes can be viewed as a form of symbolic “intimidation” since

they have the potential to disrupt power dynamics and challenge dominant narratives. By

spreading memes that celebrate victories, criticize management practices, and advocate for

workers’ rights, UPS labor advocates create a sense of solidarity among workers and the public

to encourage collective objection against workplace injustice. This collective empowerment may

be perceived as a threat by management, who rely on maintaining control and suppressing

dissent. Additionally, the public exposure of labor issues through viral memes can pressure

management to address underlying problems, leading to fear of reputational damage and

backlash (Anderson et al., 2020). Ultimately, the normalization of dissent facilitated by memes

contributes to reshaping public perceptions of labor struggles and empowers marginalized labor

forces in the fight for social justice. Through symbolic representations, intertextuality, and

humor, the memes challenge dominant discourses and reshape public perceptions of labor

struggles in the digital age. Ultimately, the rhetorical analysis of dissent memes emphasizes the

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transformative potential of online activism and collective storytelling in advancing the cause of

workers’ empowerment and social justice.

Theoretical and Practical Implications of Findings

In this section, I provide the theoretical and practical implications of the findings in the

present study. I highlight the major contributions these findings proving in understanding the

current state of literature on contemporary disputes and how existing theoretical frameworks

guiding our awareness of contestations could be advanced. Equally, I offer what/how these

findings provide insights to 21

corporations and managements on dealing with modern forms of

labor disputes, especially from the perspectives of the worker.

Labor Memes: A Potent Rhetoric and Digital Dissent

Many scholars assert that labor disputes are procedural, unfolding from one stage to

another, from the most manageable to the level of a serious crisis. Nader and Todd (1978) and

Morill (l989) specifically emphasize that the labor disputing process begins with a grievance – a

pre-conflict stage in which a person or group reacts to an actual or perceived violation of a set of

norms, rules, or individual or societal standards. We can, therefore, situate in the context of all

forms of deliberations that surrounded the 2023 UPS dispute that labor memes concretely

constituted a form of grievance expression. For instance, cited memes on working conditions at

UPS warehouses and wage disparity readily point to major grievance issues that informed the

dispute (Deliso, 2023; Keenan, 2023).

A significant discovery in this study is how memes are becoming a potent mode of

dissenting in contemporary labor disputes. Although a digitalized form of voice, cited memes are

emergent yet powerfully capture the traditional boundaries of what constitutes dissent. The

broader context of UPS labor action during the dispute certainly exemplifies the mobilization of

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dissent – a radical behavior (Kassing, 2011) that demonstrates how labor organized contention

through the channels of trade union activism and social movements (Hicks, 1999). However,

labor’s use of memes on social media vitally represents one of the discursive forms of dissent,

which enabled them to express their profound dissatisfaction with the current conditions of their

jobs and “expose wrongdoings, highlight errors, reveal shortcomings, and illuminate faults” of

UPS management (Kassing, 2019, p. 22). These discursive arguments also highlighted labor’s

strong advocacy for a change in the organizational status quo. The discourse of these memes was

also inherently adversarial, indicating labor’s direct opposition to UPS management practices

and structures (Graham, 1986; Hegstrom, 1995; Redding, 1985; Stewart, 1980; Westin, 1986).

Thus, these discursive aspects of labor’s contention collectively highlight the complexity and

depth of their dissent as a mechanism for change and progress within UPS.

The present study contributes significantly to the theorization of emerging means of

dissent in current literature by exploring the discursive dimension to and memetic forms of

workplace dissent. Current literature largely conceptualizes dissent as a form of employee action

primarily including strikes, boat rocking, unionization, and political formation (Lipold & Isaac,

2022; Redding, 1985); thus, as Hegstrom (1999) puts it, “Messages and audiences tend to be

ignored” (p. 89). In fact, early research on employee dissent primarily focused on the expression

of dissent in the media or to industry-governing bodies through whistleblowing (Graham, 1986;

Near & Jensen, 1983; Stewart, 1980; Westin, 1986). Given that most studies focus on the process

or the rhetors of dissent, they have not only neglected the digital modes of expression and their

essential messages, but also the different ways the meaning in those messages might be

interpreted. The emphasis of this study on the discursive aspect or “largely ignored messages” of

labor dissent adds to the interpretation of the tenets of digital discourses constituting

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contemporary labor dissent. Moreover, in this study, we begin to understand how power operates

in the meaning of such discourse, which appears to be a largely unexplored dimension of

management/labor disputes.

Beyond the messages, this study draws our attention to what we are witnessing as the

emergent and arguably most potent fashion of employee dissent in the modern age – memes.

Memetics scholars acknowledge the vast field of unexplored conceptual and empirical potential

that exists regarding the combination of memetics with research on organizational culture (Russ,

2014) and change processes in organizations and other complex social systems (Cook, 2015;

Waddock, 2015, 2016, 2019). An Xiao Mina emphasizes that internet memes are not just fleeting

trends but powerful tools for social and political commentary, shaping public discourse,

challenging authority, and mobilizing communities toward collective action. She suggests that

internet users create memes that serve as tools for expressing dissent, critique, and social

commentary, highlighting the potential of memes to convey factual information in a concise and

engaging manner (Mina, 2014, 2019). The present study adds to Mina’s and other studies that

have explored memes and social networks as powerful online repertoires for worker dissent and

resistance, providing comprehensive findings on the roles of memes and social networks in

employee dissent and resistance (Kirkwood et al., 2019).

Much of what makes labor memes analyzed in this study as powerful modes of dissent

pertain to their discursive configuration and digital tropes. Labor memes under this study were

rhetorically powerful because of their artistic features strategically integrated by the creators,

including intertextuality, irony, humor, symbolism, sarcasm, and many others. This incorporation

of visual elements possesses the ability to captivate audiences, maintain their attention, and

define/reinforce identities based on in/out-groups. While these artistic integrations solidify the

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persuasiveness of the discourses articulated in labor memes, they also constitute symbolic and

complex practices of contestation against dominant narratives – they are digital weapons that

travel across nontraditional platforms to confront authority (Hristova, 2014; Machin & Mayr,

2012; Van Dijk, 2003). Memes ultimately defy conventional barriers to employee dissent

because memes thrive in digital spaces. Mina (2019) emphasizes that as the internet essentially

creates avenues for communities to move and advocate for change on a global scale, it has also

given rise to the worldwide use of selfies and hashtags.

The strategic capitalization of memes as affordances of social media can be considered as

part of UPS Teamsters’ disputing strategies to disseminate and control labor narratives

concerning the dispute, overcome collective action problems like facilitating a smooth

authorization to strike elections (Goldstone, 1994; Lichbach 1998; Tullock 1971), absorb and

distribute resources (Pearlman 2011), and draw upon norms of in-group solidarity and trust

(Gould 1993). Several scholars endorse social networks as one major avenue within which

unions thrive. Social networks form contemporary mobilization tools that nearly all dissidents

can exploit. So, we witness how UPS Labor’s effective use of Facebook, Twitter/X, and Reddit,

as some of the most powerful network platforms, plays a crucial role in its mobilization and

union activities (Lichbach, 1998). A substantive amount of the UPS labor online activism

appeared in the form of memes and other multimedia elements shared on the platforms, which

may have been useful in coordinating the offline protests and demonstrations throughout the

country in a short amount of time (Ramírez Plascencia, 2018).

As opposed to conventional social network platforms, counter-institutional network

platforms like Reddit presented a unique form of agency for UPS dissenters. Labor’s most viral

and circulated memes in this study were posted on Reddit under sub-reddit UPS communities

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like r/UPS and r/UPSers, which are anonymous pages. The anonymity of these homepages

enabled workers to incessantly post and repost these memes and take part in unending

commentary discussions on the issues articulated in the memes, which would have been

otherwise discouraged within traditional work environments, allowing workers to engage in

resistance efforts like publicly and anonymously voicing their concerns and frustrations about

UPS with reduced fear of retribution or termination (Gossett & Kilker, 2006).

The significance of online dissent through memes and various social networks, both

conventional and unconventional, in modern disputes cannot be underemphasized. In addition to

providing a place for UPS labor to vent their frustrations, these sites (Facebook, Twitter/X, and

Reddit) enabled isolated or fragmented groups of workers to connect and collectively organize

and share effective strategies. They facilitated member dissent and resistance against UPS

(Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Shuster, 2022). The internet is increasingly becoming a place for

workers to come together, share information, and engage in collective action outside the

organization’s boundaries. In an era when workplaces are increasingly fragmented and union

memberships are declining (Nissen, 2003; U.S. Department of Labor, 2022), it makes sense that

counter-institutional websites like Reddit provided UPS workers with the opportunity to connect

with others who share their occupational or organizational affiliations and grievances throughout

the dispute (Gosset & Kilker, 2006; Nissen, 2003).

The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) and UPS settled a tentative agreement

in July 2023, potentially avoiding a strike that could have disrupted the U.S. supply chains. The

agreement included substantial wage increases for both full-time and part-time workers, with

existing part-timers receiving an immediate hike to at least $21 per hour and a path to $23 per

hour within the contract’s lifetime (Yurkevich & Isidore, 2023). The Master agreement also

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addressed issues like air conditioning in delivery vans and narrowed pay disparities between

various worker classes. However, the agreement still needed to be ratified by approximately

340,000 Teamsters at UPS to officially end the strike threat, and the ratification process was

anticipated to take more than three weeks. The tentative deal signified a victory for the

Teamsters in achieving better compensation and working conditions for its members following

intense negotiations (Yurkevich & Isidore, 2023). While memes may not have directly caused

labor’s victory, they were part of a broader strategy employed by the IBT and UPS employees,

which included practice pickets, social media advocacy, and mobilizing political allies to

demonstrate solidarity and readiness for a strike. The effective utilization of these strategies,

along with the union’s commitment to representing its members’ interests, ultimately led to a

favorable outcome for UPS workers.

Understanding Workplace Power Dynamics through Labor Memes

Perhaps the most significant contribution this study makes to current literature on labor

disputes is being one of the few studies, if not the first, to concretely explore and offer a way of

understanding how power operates within the discursive meanings of labor dissent – a largely

unexplored dimension to management/labor disputes. Relying heavily on Gramscian notions of

hegemony and critical frameworks used by McKerrow (1991) and Zompetti (1997), I unravel the

power dynamics at play between UPS labor and management, offering tangible insights on how

employees use digital memes to challenge or subvert corporations (Kirkwood et al., 2019).

The critical analysis in this study illuminates the unexplored yet overwhelming impact of

labor memes/rhetoric in revealing and disputing dominant ideologies and control that have, for a

long time, characterized the UPS management-labor relationship. By re-articulating “common

sense” as “good sense,” these memes’ arguments undermine conventional narratives endorsed by

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management and advocate for a critical and empowering perspective rooted in the experiences

and requirements of UPS workers. Through strategic reframing and the scrutiny of prevalent

ideologies, labor asserts its agency, demanding acknowledgment, respect, and equitable

treatment in the workplace. The effective organization of UPS workers by the IBT exemplifies

the potency of collective action and resistance in driving favorable change – resistance guided by

a rhetoric of dissent that was initiated and sustained by the memes explored in this study. By

nurturing solidarity, raising consciousness, and championing workers’ rights, labor memes and

arguments challenge the dominant control of UPS management, paving the way for a more just

and equitable work environment. This critique ultimately highlights the significance of ongoing

critique and resistance in reshaping power dynamics and advancing the welfare of workers in

today’s neoliberal environment.

A considerable number of studies on labor disputes point out employee/union disputes

are attributed to power imbalances, philosophical differences, poor communication, or the

perceived divergence of organization and employee interests, goals, values, and resources

(Dontigney & Demand, 2008; Friedman & Currall, 2003; Isa, 2015). This ontological inference

calls for more critical attention to the powerplay dimensions of disputes as much as any other

scholarly inquiries surrounding labor disputes. The UPS case and future disputes as such present

a formidable ground to contribute to this part of studies, which is currently lacking. Little to no

scholarly attention has been given to show how labor disputes are articulated from the

employee’s perspective. The study’s findings significantly broaden our scope of current labor

disputes and the evolving realm of online activism. To begin, the study clarifies the origins and

workings of contentious disputes within the labor sphere, revealing the underlying structural

inequalities and power disparities between management and workers. By detailing the specific

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grievances expressed through memes, such as working conditions, pay disparities, and union

representation, the study emphasizes the multifaceted nature of labor conflicts and the

complexities involved in safeguarding workplace rights and protections. Secondly, the study

emphasizes the strategic importance of symbolic online dissent in modern activism, offering a

crucial assessment of the effectiveness and limitations of memes as tools for advocacy and

mobilization. While memes have proven effective in engaging diverse audiences, fostering unity,

and amplifying marginalized voices, their reliance on visual and textual shortcuts poses

challenges in communicating nuanced arguments and maintaining long-term engagement.

Furthermore, the study highlights the potential risks of meme activism, including the co-optation

of dissent narratives by corporate interests or the suppression of substantive demands in favor of

sensationalism or clickbait.

The analysis of memes offers valuable insights about the dynamic nature of

contemporary labor conflicts, highlighting the steps, obstacles, and tactical moves used by both

labor and management. Memes act as indicators and proponents of the evolving discourse and

methods employed in these conflicts, providing insights into negotiation dynamics, ideological

divides, and power struggles. However, the study also warns against oversimplifying intricate

labor problems when using memes, as this could distract from viewing the big picture, obscure

underlying systemic injustices, or perpetuate harmful stereotypes. In addition, the study

emphasizes the transformative potential of memes in transforming online activism into real-

world social change, while also recognizing the need for complementary offline organizing and

institutional advocacy to bring about lasting systemic changes. Although memes can raise

awareness, rally support, and pressure decision-makers, they must be incorporated into larger

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strategic campaigns that employ legal, legislative, and grassroots mobilization efforts to achieve

meaningful policy changes and institutional reforms.

From this study, we also learn that memes have become symbolic tools that can foster

solidarity and unity among workers, but they can also reinforce echo chambers and exclude

dissenting voices. Therefore, it is important to cultivate inclusive and diverse meme cultures that

amplify diverse perspectives and foster constructive dialogue across ideological divides. Memes

also have the potential to democratize participation in activism, allowing individuals at different

levels of a dispute to contribute to the discourse and mobilize collective action. However, there is

potential for meme activism to perpetuate hierarchies of influence and privilege, as charismatic

influencers or anonymous actors may wield disproportionate influence over meme discourse,

shaping the narrative in ways that marginalize or silence dissenting voices.

This study also opens the door to viewing and making sense of labor dissent as a political

act within the organizational environment that “opens both the corporation and individuals to

learning through reclaiming differences and conflicts overlooked or suppressed by dominant

conceptions or arrangements” (Deetz, 1998, p. 159). The UPS case is living proof of modern

workplace contestation characterized by an organization’s impetus to control employees and

employees’ desire to have workplace autonomy (Kassing, 2019). Labors’ dissenting strategies

are modern modes of resistance in the workplace characterized by the direct and indirect

expression of concerns, objections, and disagreements (Zhou & George, 2001) and demand for

change (Hirschman, 1970; Kassing, 2001). The UPS case discloses alternatives for employee

resistance in a democratic society, where lateral and displaced dissent become rather potent

options for workers over management protocols for employee dissent (Kassing, 2000a). In

simple terms, it is becoming more effective and conducive for employees, as the UPS case

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demonstrates, to voice their concerns through informal networks rather than directly through the

official hierarchy (Kassing, 2001; Kassing & Dicioccio, 2004). Initially, this latent form of

dissent occurs when “employees resort to expressing their contradictory opinions and

disagreements aggressively to ineffectual audiences across the organization or in concert with

other frustrated employees” (Kassing, 2001, p. 445).

However, lateral dissenting and resistance strategies in the case of UPS labor may have

proven a rather effectual mode for advocating for real change in the workplace. In fact, research

on these subtle acts of organizational resistance has examined members’ use of underground

publications such as cartoons, newsletters, and zines to critique the actions of management

(Daisey, 2002; Dundes & Pagter, 1992; Fleming & Spicer, 2002; Levine, 1998). This anomaly

calls for both academic scholars and corporations to considerably reevaluate the seriousness they

attach to lateral and displaced forms of dissent with the emergence of social media. These

overlooked forms of dissent, often considered ineffective, are emerging as the most effective

forms of resistance that foster change in the organizational status quo. Fleming and Spicer (2002)

categorically caution that these unconventional, private, and subtle acts of resistance should not

be seen as mere coping devices or safety valves, particularly “when the very hearts and minds of

workers is the terrain of struggle” (p. 80). Instead, these dissenting and resistance strategies

enable workers to oppose the values and practices of the organization without threatening their

membership or conflicting with other significant issues, campaigns, or agendas.

Despite the lack of a comprehensive study of labor discourses within the rhetorical

dimensions of labor disputes, one of the substantive aspects widely explored is the rhetorical

tropes that underpin labor negotiations (Donohue,1991; Jones, 1994; Garcia, 1991; Greatbatch &

Dingwall, 1994; Putnam, 2004; Rubin, 1983; Walton & McKersie, 1965) and/or how labor

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unions are framed in the media. Media remain key players in disseminating information on labor

actions and disputes; however, labor-related news in recent years has shifted into anti-union

rhetoric and acrimonious labor representations. This rhetoric portrays union workers as overpaid,

greedy, and undeserving of basic workers’ rights and draws a contrast between the compensation

of union and non-union workers. Kane and Newman (2019) refer to this form of rhetoric as

class-based anti-union rhetoric (CAR), which explicitly uses socio-economic cues to construct

and attack an outgroup, which, in this case, are union workers.

It comes then with no surprise that some of the key labor arguments surrounding the 2023

UPS dispute reflect management’s deliberate attempts to project the Teamsters Union as

adversarial and bullies in the contract negotiation processes. This draws our attention to the

fierce narrative contestations that surround labor disputes and how corporations capitalize on

media to depose labor unions in disputes. UPS labor arguments in this regard assert how

management weaponized anti-union rhetorical techniques to erode public support (Kane &

Newman), projecting labor as the “undeserving rich” (McCall, 2013), overpaid for their labor,

selfish and greedy, and undeserving of greater compensation, power, or public support rather

than groups who have historically acted on behalf of the interests of working-class Americans

(Lipset & Schneider, 1987). Scholars have found that, in the midst of strike activity, unions have

frequently been framed as overly powerful institutions in order to incite public opposition to

specific union efforts and to generally curb union power (Kane & Newman, 2019).

With regard to anti-union rhetoric in contemporary disputes, this project’s findings give

us something new to consider. The irony about the media’s role in pushing an anti-union

rhetorical agenda is that they can equally be utilized to push counter-anti-union rhetoric as well.

As evident in the present study, labor strategically utilizes social media outlets, which most

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organizations like UPS may view as public relations outlets and vehicles for anti-union rhetorical

opportunities with the intention of debunking management rhetoric of labor as bullies and

adversaries in the negotiations (Gerbaudo, 2012). This counter strategy offers new insights in

how social media outlets are becoming the tool to amplify labor voices and debunk anti-union

narratives. Labor has weaponized memes to expose the perceived hypocrisy and lukewarm

attributes of management as well as management’s attempts to present labor as the adversarial

opponent in the dispute. In effect, we witness how labor’s rhetoric could be considered a strategy

to collectively coagulate public support and solidarity in their fight against management.

The UPS case bears witness to the fact that the power of union relations in modern

disputes cannot and should not be overlooked. Through the lens of this case study, we witness

the power of mobilized dissent through the UPS Teamsters Union, their strike action, online

engagements and picketing activities that may have been collective disputing tactics, proven

effective past disputes, to garner interdependent power, resist and challenge management and

workplace repression (Piven, 2008). The UPS Teamsters Union drew its strength simultaneously

from militant unionism, social movement techniques, electoral politics, and community building

(Nair, 2016). Thus, the more people who appear to work in solidarity as a cohesive dissenting

group (even if they are not the main group affected but agree with the main group), the stronger

the symbolic nature of their dissent.

Despite union relation’s longstanding impact on the labor movement, it is true that

currently, private-sector unions only cover roughly 6.9% of private-sector jobs (Shierholz et al.,

2020), primarily developing management responses to union organizing campaigns, using

collective bargaining agreements, and rendering interpretations of labor union contract issues

(Cooke, 2007). Recently, private-sector labor organizations, like the IBT, have moved toward an

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inclusive social movement framework by making appeals to worker dignity, employing

disruptive protest tactics, and forging alliances with religious, civic, and social change groups

(Martin, 2008). Indeed, focusing on the common denominators inherent in the different subaltern

groups who reside along the peripheral terrain may help forge important coalitions. Regardless,

scholars and corporations must not overlook the rapidly evolving nature of labor unions and the

enormous power they garner through social media platforms to foster and advance labor interests

and rights in contemporary disputes.

Finally, this study provides a nuanced perspective on power dynamics and resistance

tactics in the current historical moment, enriching scholarly discussions that are rooted in

Gramsci’s notions of hegemony and critical rhetoric. Through the Gramscian framework of

hegemony, we can discern how labor memes function as effective online symbolic tools used by

marginalized groups to challenge dominant discourses propagated by those in power, thereby

destabilizing entrenched ideologies and fostering spaces for dissent. Additionally, critical

analysis in this study reveals the sophisticated rhetorical strategies employed within the analyzed

memes, from the use of humor and irony to the appropriation of cultural symbols, as a strategy to

engage and mobilize audiences. This critique clarifies the intricate interplay between rhetoric and

practical dissent strategies and highlights the transformative potential of digital communication

technologies in shaping contemporary forms of activism. By extricating the discourse of labor

dissenting memes, we uncover layers of resistance that contribute to a broader understanding of

how rhetoric operates within the digital terrain, ultimately advancing our knowledge of the

complexities inherent in struggles for social justice and equity.

145

Study Limitations

The UPS labor/management conflict embodies broader societal tensions concerning

power imbalances, labor relations, and organizational structures. This study endeavors to

decipher the complex network of power dynamics inherent in this dispute, aiming to unravel the

multifaceted interactions between labor and management. However, it is crucial to recognize and

critically assess the constraints that may limit the scope and extent of our knowledge. This

section will outline and clarify the significant constraints associated with studying the UPS

labor/management dispute and power dynamics. These constraints emphasize the need for a

more nuanced and comprehensive approach to examining labor relations within the UPS

environment. By scrutinizing these constraints, I aim to inspire scholarly dialogues that surpass

simplistic perspectives and encourage transformative insights that drive meaningful change in

the labor sphere and scholarly inquiry.

One intrinsic drawback to analyzing the labor/management UPS dispute is the possibility

of missing actual organizational instruments that UPS uses to maintain hegemonic power. These

tools might include a variety of formal processes, procedural frameworks, and management

practices that are used in an organizational setting to control labor relations. A thorough

examination of how these organizational tools is used and manipulated could provide more

insights about UPS’s corporate power dynamics. This restriction makes it more difficult to

identify more subtle forms of resistance and dominance among UPS employees, which weakens

the study’s analytical depth and authenticity to workers’ actual experiences. It is essential to

conduct a thorough analysis of mechanisms like disciplinary procedures, performance evaluation

systems, and managerial decision-making processes, since a thorough examination could reveal

the complex ways that organizational power dynamics function in the labor-management

146

relationship. In order to recognize subtle forms of resistance and dominance among UPS

employees, researchers can discover how power is exerted, distributed, and sustained inside the

company by looking at these formal processes. Comprehending these dynamics offers valuable

perspectives on how to challenge labor-management power inequalities, guide resistance tactics,

and promote workers’ rights within the organization.

One important way to comprehend the cultural aspects of the UPS labor/management

dispute is to analyze labor memes as texts that reflect larger societal attitudes regarding labor

issues. One significant drawback, though, is that this analysis might be limited to a small area

without being adequately contextualized within larger political and socioeconomic contexts. The

nuances of cultural perceptions, power dynamics, and historical narratives surrounding labor

relations influence the creation, dissemination, and reception of memes. These subtleties can

impact power by either reinforcing existing hegemonic structures or challenging dominant

narratives, depending on the framing and interpretation of the memes. To address these issues,

scholars can employ strategies such as contextualizing memes within broader activist campaigns,

fostering dialogue to unpack underlying assumptions, and amplifying marginalized voices to

diversify the narrative landscape. Additionally, fostering solidarity across intersecting social

movements can help bridge gaps and mobilize collective action toward systemic change. As a

result, this inherent limitation undermines the integrity and comprehensive understanding of the

UPS labor issue as a microcosm of more significant socio-political conflicts.

A fundamental limitation of the study lies in its confinement to the isolated context of the

UPS labor/management dispute, thereby precluding comparative and contextual analyses

essential for enriching scholarly insights and generalizability. Contextualization within broader

historical, geographical, and industry-specific frameworks is imperative for elucidating the

147

structural underpinnings and systemic inequalities underpinning the UPS labor dynamics.

Although this study does not offer comparative analyses with analogous labor struggles nor does

it situate the UPS case within larger socio-economic and political constellations, thereby

obfuscating the broader systemic issues at play, it offers considerable insight about labor-

management rhetorical relations in contemporary disputes. Nonetheless, embracing a

comparative and contextual approach demands interdisciplinary engagement, methodological

pluralism, and a commitment to centering marginalized voices and perspectives. By transcending

the confines of singular case studies, researchers can foster more robust theoretical frameworks

and empirical insights conducive to effectuating substantive social change within the realm of

labor relations.

Suggestions for Future Research

It is clear that our knowledge is incomplete when we dig more into the complex

dynamics of the UPS labor/management dispute and power relations. Given the intricacies

involved in labor relations, the purpose of this section is to suggest directions for further study

that may widen the scope of knowledge gained thus far. Through a critical analysis of the

limitations of the current literature and the use of previously established analytical frameworks, I

make recommendations for future research that should advance our understanding of labor

struggles both inside and outside of the UPS ecosystem. Every recommendation, from the more

comprehensive contextualization of labor memes to the investigation of social media’s influence

on employee organizing and resistance, offers a possible avenue for furthering academic

discourse and initiating revolutionary change within the workplace.

Future studies on the UPS labor/management dispute and power dynamics could benefit

from a more comprehensive exploration of the broader context of labor memes. These studies

148

should explore in greater depth the socio-political, economic, and cultural factors shaping labor-

related memes’ production, circulation, and interpretation. Interrogating the underlying issues

and narratives embedded within labor memes will enable researchers to gain invaluable insight

into the prevailing attitudes, perceptions, and discourses surrounding labor struggles. This

expanded analysis would not only enrich our insights about the UPS case, but it can also shed

light on larger socio-cultural phenomena and power dynamics within contemporary workplaces.

This study, which extensively investigates labor memes during the UPS labor/management

dispute, lays the groundwork for future research on labor disputes across various sectors and

different types of labor.

By examining the socio-political, economic, and cultural factors that impact the creation,

dissemination, and interpretation of labor-related memes, researchers can gain more insight into

the complex interplay between digital activism, worker empowerment, and labor struggles.

Importantly, this study emphasizes the crucial role played by the International Brotherhood of

Teamsters (IBT) in shaping the discourse and resolution of the UPS dispute. However, it also

highlights the potential of memes as democratizing tools for amplifying the voices of workers

and challenging entrenched power structures, even in situations where unions may lack the

resources or historical infrastructure of the IBT. Memes provide a cost-effective and accessible

means for organizing, mobilizing, and raising awareness among workers, regardless of union

affiliation or organizational support. Therefore, future studies could explore how memes can be

leveraged by grassroots movements, independent worker organizations, or non-unionized labor

groups to advocate for their rights, foster solidarity, and create change within their respective

industries. By harnessing the communicative power of memes, these groups can amplify their

voices, connect with broader audiences, and challenge exploitation and injustice in the

149

workplace, ultimately contributing to a more equitable and just labor landscape. Furthermore,

incorporating interdisciplinary perspectives from fields such as cultural studies, media studies,

and sociology can provide a more holistic framework for analyzing labor memes and their

implications for labor relations and organizational dynamics.

In order to contextualize the UPS labor/management dispute within a broader scholarly

discourse, future studies should endeavor to explore a diverse array of contemporary labor cases

spanning different industries, geographical locations, and historical contexts. By examining a

range of labor disputes and organizational struggles, researchers can identify common patterns,

unique challenges, and innovative strategies employed by labor and management alike.

Moreover, there is a pressing need for increased literature in labor studies that encompasses a

more comprehensive understanding of contemporary labor dynamics. This literature should

encompass diverse theoretical frameworks, methodological approaches, and empirical evidence

to capture the complexity and fluidity of labor relations in the 21st century. By fostering a robust

body of literature in labor studies, researchers can contribute to the development of more

nuanced theoretical frameworks, evidence-based interventions, and policy recommendations

aimed at addressing systemic inequalities and power differentials within the labor landscape.

Given the growing ubiquity and influence of social media platforms in contemporary

society, future studies should explore how these digital technologies are shaping employee

dissent, collective action, and organizing within the context of labor disputes such as the UPS

case. Researchers should investigate how social media platforms and their compatible rhetorical

tropes facilitate the mobilization of labor activists, the dissemination of alternative narratives,

and the amplification of marginalized voices within the workplace. Additionally, studies should

examine the implications of social media activism for organizational power dynamics, public

150

perceptions, and policy outcomes. By adopting a multi-methodological approach that combines

qualitative and quantitative analyses, researchers can uncover the nuanced dynamics of social

media-mediated dissent and organizing, thereby advancing our knowledge about the evolving

nature of labor activism in the digital age. Furthermore, future studies should explore the ethical,

legal, and practical implications of social media activism for employees and employers,

including privacy, surveillance, and online harassment. By addressing these complex challenges,

researchers can contribute to developing more ethical and effective strategies for leveraging

social media for labor advocacy and empowerment.

Conclusion

This chapter has explored the detailed dynamics of the labor/management disagreement

at UPS, exposing complex power dynamics and organizational context-specific resistance tactics.

The results have highlighted the complex interplay between power relations in modern

workplaces and the significance of considering both overt and covert forms of resistance.

Furthermore, this analysis’s theoretical ramifications go beyond the UPS case, providing

insightful knowledge about labor disputes and their wider effects on organizational dynamics.

Nonetheless, it is imperative to recognize the inherent limits of this research. Future studies

should address the gaps left by the limited focus on particular topics, such as labor memes and

the lack of investigation into hidden transcripts as forms of dissent.

Furthermore, the study’s narrow focus on the UPS scenario raises the possibility that

more extensive comparison studies can occur to improve the findings’ theoretical validity and

potential for generic application. Researchers should take into account the recommendations

made in this study as they move onward, such as investigating how social media influences labor

activism and providing a more comprehensive context for labor-related occurrences. Through

151

tackling these constraints and adopting novel research approaches, academics can enhance our

comprehension of power dynamics in modern work environments, promoting more fair and

inclusive labor practices in a variety of organizational settings.

152

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APPENDIX A: SAMPLED UPS LABOR MEMES CIRCULATED DURING THE 2023

LABOR-MANAGEMENT DISPUTE

A. FIGURE 1

B. FIGURE 2

C. FIGURE 3

D. FIGURE 4

E. FIGURE 5

F. FIGURE 6

G. FIGURE 7

H. FIGURE 8

I. FIGURE 9

J. FIGURE 10

K. FIGURE 11

L. FIGURE 12

M. FIGURE 13

N. FIGURE 14

O. FIGURE 15

P. FIGURE 16